Appalachian Summit

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8. Embargo

 

Adding to the continuing conflict between the Cherokees and Carolina was the presence of northern Indians living in the Overhill towns.  Lumped together by the whites as “norward Indians”, they were a mix of Nottawegas, Shawnees, Senecas, Ottawas and Iroquois from north of the Ohio River all of whom were allied with the French. 

Just as there was competition between the Virginia and Carolina colonies for the Cherokee trade, so also was there competition among the three divisions of the Cherokee – the Lower, Middle and Overhills.  The towns of the Lower Cherokees were only a hundred miles from the Carolina colony and were in closest contact with the government in Charlestown.  However, it was the Overhills, and in particular the headmen of Chota, who were traditionally the spokesmen for the Cherokees as a whole.  The attempt by Charlestown to elevate the Lower Town headmen to speak for all the Cherokees drove the Overhills toward the French.

 

 

Tanissee, 18th January, 1750

GENTLEMEN AND OTHERS,  This is to acquaint you that there is upwards of 100 Northern Indians a'comming down amongst you, and wanted these Cherokee People to begin and kill what People there is here first and then go down to the Settlements, and they say that they will not spare neither white nor red that they come across, and they say they will kill all the Cattle and Hogs as they can find &c. as they come through the Middle Settlements robbing and braking open Houses and taking Rum and Goods from the white People.  The Bearer hereof has left this Employ a Purpose to go down to acquaint you all of yourselves and Interest.  They talk of agoing against the Catawbas, but they say they will not spare any Body they come across.  We are, Gentlemen, wishing of you all well.

Your very Humble Servants &c.  All in one Consent,

                             White People of the Lower Towns [1]

 

Stephen Creach -

               Augusta, Georgia, March 22d, 1750

About Midnight . . .the Enemie fired a Volly of small Arms into the House, calling out and for a long Time the continually firing, and this Deponent believes Swiney was the first Person wounded either white People or Indians.  The Chickesaws fired from the House but the Enemie came close up, and let Fire to the House , which those within extinguished several Times by beating down the Clap-boards and throwing Water upon them.  They were all obliged at last to leave the House, the Fire being often [fanned?], but before this, Swiney had received three Shots and was hardly able to crawl out of the House. [2]

 

James Beamer -

in the Fall of the Year 1750, he fitted out seven Indians from his Town of Tougolo' for their winter Hunt, and they were to send in one of them for Horses to bring in their Skins for January.  And their not coming or sending, we suspected that they were either taken or killed by the Enemy.  Some Time after one Chickesaw Tehee came in and gave an Account that their Skins was all stole by some white Men, and I asked them what Quantity they had lost, and he told me the Quantity that each man lost which in the Whole amounted to 331 Skins.  The Persons that stole them had disguised their Theft by severall proceedings to make the Indians believe it was their Enemies had stole them by the [Tongues ?] being scattered about, the small Skins cutt and their Dryed Meat thrown on the Fire.

after the Indians came in from hunting, they immediately fitted out for War against the Creeks.  Just after they went all out, there came a Gang from over the Hills, led by the Little Carpenta and Torsetty of Seticko, and they came along through other Towns, gathering their number to 100 and odd Men.

They [the Cherokee] came on the Tract of their Enemy where they had some Horses, with which they suspected it was the Gang that had taken a Woman and Boy from their Nation.  They followed the Tract to a House and when they came near the House they laid by till Dark, then sent a Spy to see if there was any white people there, and the Spy came back and told them that they could not hear nor see white People, but only Indians talking some Chickesaw some Creek.  On which they surrounded the House, set it on Fire, and killed what they could of them.  And accordingly did and killed one white Man at the Oakhorr'y and at the same Time brought in a Chickesaw Boy.

another Gang of Cherokees came in from War, and one of them reported that Wm. Broadway told him that there was an Army of white People, about 600, coming up to take the Norward Indians for the Mischief they had done to the white People, on which Report the Disturbances arose, and that Barnd. Hughs' Store broak open and his Goods taken from him, but as  further  Information of the Falseness of the Report, his Goods was all restored him. [3]

 

Talk of the Over Hill Cherokees

April 9th, 1751

That we are lately come in from War with the Chactaws and are very sorrow to hear of the white Man being killed on the Creek Path by the Keewohee People, however, that we hear it was his own Fault, for that he joined and assisted their Enemies and encouraged them in the Creek Tongue against them.  

That for our Parts we love the English and the white People amongst us, according to the Talk you gave us below which we remember as well as if it was spoke to us Yesterday, and though a great many of the Old People that were at the Talk are dead, yet we, the Survivors and young People since grown up, have it still imprinted in our Memories, and shall have it always so amongst us from Father to Son, since we know no other white People but you the English.

Wherefore we hope you will send us a good Talk, and won't be angry with us, for the white Man killed, since our Hearts are all intirely for the English and no other Nation of white People whatsoever.

 

                   Tassitte or John'y _____of Tannassee

                   Anakano_____of Tellico

                   Skiagusta_____of Tellico

                   Keeleenakasta       _____

                   Colinna             _____          their

                   Ulofta              _____     Marks

                   Unanikallahee       _____

                   Anakanoe            _____   [4]

 

 

Richard Smith -

Kehowee, April 25th, 1751

if I don't get Ammunition now I don't expect to bring one Ounce of Leather out of the Nation, if they spear our Lives, for 3 Days ago the Indians had a meeting here, and concluded to kill all the white People in the Nation, and take away their Leather, and sent a Runner over to Tenassy to see if they would agree or not, and I was told by some that pretends to be Friends to me to make my Escape. [5]

 

Anthony Dean -

Great Tellico, May 1st, 1751

I believe a great deal of the Mischief done here, some white Men are often at the Bottom of, and it is no Wonder, when every Horse Stealer can screen himself here from Justice, and infuses bad Notions in the Heads of the Indians, against the Traders and Others, which could not be if the Trade was regulated, and proper Officers kept here to see Justice done.  [6]

 

James Maxwell -

May 4th, 1751

I asked them if they would stand by me and the white People there, if those Towns and  the Norwards would come and attempt to kill us.  They said they would, but at the same Time told me there was upwards of 100 Norwards, and if they came they would not be able to stand them, which I took as a good Hint for me to be gone.  [7]

 

Governor Glen's Talk To The Cherokees

 

Governor Glen -

 

FRIENDS and BROTHERS,  I still call you by those beloved Names, although the late Conduct of some of your Country Men might perhaps have merited another Kind of Greeting, who unmindful of the ancient Friendship betwixt the English and the Cherokees, forgetful of the Treaties that tie us together, and regardless of the True Interest of their Country, have behaved in so insolent a Manner as to disturb our Tranquility and thereby endanger your Safety.  But whoever are guilty of such Practices need not flatter themselves to escape with Impunity, for were it possible for us to put up with their Insollencies and Offences, you yourselves must see the Nesessity of punishing them.  But we are very far from an Intention of passing over these Abuses, on the contrary, we insist upon Satisfaction, and we expect it.  It was to obtain in a friendly and amicable Manner that I sent Letters and Messages to your Nation, that some of the most guilty might be delivered up.  The Emperor and you, the Kings and Chiefs, sent me word that you thought my Letters reasonable and my Demands just, and you promised to comply with them, and bring own some of the Guilty, but instead of performing what you promised as I had reason to expect, you acquainted me that when you had prepared everything for your Journey, and were ready to set off;  a Savannah Indian brought news, that the Upper Creeks had declared War against you, and that the English, and the Creeks, and the Catawabas were to fall on such as went down to Carolina, and having cut them off, were then to proceed through your Nation, destroying Man, Woman and Child.  This Story, improbable as it is, you pretend kept you Home.

         We have on all Occasions behaved to you in a kind and affectionate Manner.  We have often loaded you with Presents.  We have constantly sent Traders into your Nation, who have supplied you with Goods. . . .  These Things are universally known and acknowledged by you, but how ungrateful are the Returns, which some of your People have made us?  They attacked a white Man's House, and wounded one of the People belonging to it, and after they had set Fire to the House, when the wounded Man crawled out to save himself from the Flames, they unmercifully knocked him on the Head.  This barbarous Action, which ought to have affected your whole nation with Concern, and filled you with Fear and Sorrow, served afterwards as a Subject of Mirth and Pastime, to some of your mad young Men, who when they got Home, are said to have insolently mocked and imitated his dying Groans; Sounds which should have stunned and wounded the Ear of every Cherokee instead of being made Use of as Musick to sooth and please.

Is it fit, think you, that the Authors of this Murder and Mischief should live, or can we forgive such Wrong and Injuries?  Would you not yourselves have expected Satisfaction from us, if any of your People had been killed by some of ours, and would you not have thought yourselves much injured if we had delayed and denied bringing the Murders to Justice?  But these are not the only bad Things we have to complain off.  Many of your People have spread and propogated bad and dangerous Talks, to the great Terror of our Traders.  These are also Offences which require Correction, and to show you that their Fears were no without Foundation, one of your Towns broke open a Trader's House and plundered his Store of all Goods, which they divided, and shared among them, as if they had been Spoils taken from an Enemy, obliging him to fly for the Preservation of his Life while they pursued in order to destroy him.  Some of your People have also fired at our people (to wit, Daniel Murphy and wounded him, but apparently with Design to kill him, when he was riding in the Woods about his lawfull Business), and to these Outragious Actions, you have added several bad Talks and Speeches, particularly in an insolent Talk lately sent down form the Town of Tenassee,  in which you seem to bid Defiance, and to Despise the Power of this Government, and this we must suppose arose from these other bad Talks, which in your Paper dated the 11th May 1751.

All these Things we expressly charge you with, are direct Breaches and Infractions of the Treaties, and if you have been guilty of them, 'tis in Vain for you to be supplied with Goods, or with Arms and Ammunition from Virginia, to which Place I am told that your Nation has sent ( many of the People) to Pray for a Supply.  The People of Virginia (they all) belong to the great King George as we do, and they are too good Subjects to put Arms in your Hands, and to furnish you, who behave as Enemies, with Ammunition to kill the Great King George's Children.

I shall conclude with an advice to such of your Warriours as are too young to remember when you first had a Trade with the English.  Let them consult your old men, what was the Condition of your Country at that Time, and compare it with your Circustances now.  Instead of the admirable Fire Arms that you are now plentifully supplied with, your best Arms were bad Bows, and wreched Arrows headed with Bills of Birds, Bones of Fishes, or at best sharp Stones.  Instead of being decently or comfortably dressed in English Cloaths, your were forced to cover y9ourselves with the Skins of wild Beasts.  Your Knives were split Canes, and your Hatchets were of Stone, so that you spent more Days in felling a Tree, than you do now in Minutes.

Think of these Things and of all that I have said, and let me have your Answer.  [8]

 

The Head Men and Warriors of the Lower Cherokees to Governor Glen

 

                                                 May 10, 1751

Father the Governor of South Carolina, We met this Day and the Head Men and Warriours of the Lower Towns of our Nation, that is, Kewowee and Tomassee and Cheowee and Ustustee and Estutoe, and the Sugar Town of Toxso', and are all heartily sorrow for what happened in our Nation which was occassioned by lieing People, which appears now to be Lies.  There was four Fellows in Stecoe  that had one Bernard Hughs' Goods away and some white People run away, and  we have had all the said Hughs' Goods returned.  And the white People shall all come safe out with their Leather, and we all heartily begg you'll not stop the Trade from us, on Account of what has happened.  And we do promise and assure you, there shall never be any such ill Usage again, as has been, though we acknowledge there has been bad Talks amongst us, for some Years past, and had now like to be brought to a Head, but we now see our Folly, and says the chief Reason of these bad Notions was by lying People that carry Lies backward and forward. . . .

We wrote to you before concerning some white Man that was shot in his House through Mistake, and we assure you we did not know there was a white Man in the House.  But as soon as wee saw the white People come out of the house, we all called out, let go, and not hurt them, so hope you'll excuse all that's past.  And you may assure yourself there shall be no more such Doings.  All other News we refer to the Bearer, who we believe will tell you the Truth.

And are your assured Friends and Brothers.

 

         Cuarteto Cheskiowee   Howrufto of Keowee   Churnrokeke

         Skiogunsta of Keowee   Skiogunsta of Cheowee   of Ustustee

         Little Congeror of Do.   All Bones of Do.   Tomasse Ocanoco

                                                           of Sugar   [9]

 

Raven of Hiwassee -

                                       Euphersee, May 14th, 1751

May it please your Excellency, by Orders of the Emperor to the Raven of Hiwassee, together with his Head Men and Warriours of his Towns to have a Meeting, the Raven as Spokesman for all gives his Talk as follows.  He says that he is partly sorrow that the People of his Nation should have any bad Thoughts in their Hearts, but the Warriours that was at the Southward at Warr that killed the white People reported that Wm. Carr should tell them, the People of Keowee and Esternorie, that your Excellency should say that you would send up an Army of Men to kill the Norwards wherever they were to be found, in any of our Towns.  So when they got this in their Heads, they could not believe it was the Norwards you intended to kill, but they themselves.

. . . their Doggs, and their Hoggs, and themselves run mad, and it was all by a lying Talk from Keowee that they did what they did do, but they was sorrow for it,  and they would return the Goods, and if any should be wantin, they would pay for them.  The Slave Ketcher of Kenntory, who was the Man was supposed to a'killed Murphy, was obstinate and would not return the Goods that he had stole from Bernard Hughs, so to favor him Danl. Murphy paid the said Hughs for this Rogue 20 Lb. Leather. . . .

And the Raven desires that those Towns who done this Mischief should have no Traders among them, that is Kenotoroy, Sticoe and Kittawa, nor yet no Indian nor Half-breed should be Factor from any white Man among them, till they acknowledge their Faults, and see the Want of a white Man, and that they themselves, and their Women and Children should have weary Leggs to walk to Traders in other Towns to buy what they want.  

The Raven sais that he and his Men and Warriours has not forgot all the good Talks that they have heard from Time to Time, nor never shall be forgot, as long as Grass grows and Water runs, and we will hand it down to our young People comeing up, and graft it in their Hearts, as your Excellency has done in theirs, for they do not want to know any other People but the English, and they hope your Excellency will not let them suffer for those that has been Rouges, as he and his Parts has put a Stop to it all,  but that you will let the Traders come up as usual, for the Good of both, for we are in great Want of Ammunition, and as we are outside Towns,  the French are on us, and for Want of Ammunition we don't know how soon we may be cutt off. . . .

his

                             The Raven _____ of Highwassee

Mark for All  [10]

 

Governor Glen to the Town of Ketowaw -

Head Men and Warriors of Ketowaw, , As the Chain of Friendship which has so long subsisted between the English and your beloved Men, has of late contracted Rust among you in your Town of Ketowaw,  and as you have forgot of late the many good Talks that have passed between us, and your beloved Men, and as in your Towns in a daring and insolent Manner you have broke open the Stores of our Traders, and publickly divided and shared their Goods and Skins among you, as if they had been Spoil taken from an Enemy, and not only threatened the Lives of those white Men and forced them to fly, for the Security of their Persons, but sent out a Party of your People to pursue and kill them.  These Robberies and Violences we are determined not to induce, but to have the Author of them brought to Punishment.

We therefore send you this Letter, which is to desire that you deliver up two Persons of your Town of those who broke open the Stores and divided the Goods, were the most Guilty and active against the English, and we do hereby declare that if they are not delivered up to us within two Months from the Date hereof, we will come up to your Town and take them by Force.  [11]

 

Brown, Rae & Co, -

               Augusta, May 15th, 1751

Sir, Yesterday John Downing arrived here from the Cherokees and brings us the agreeable News that not one white Man was killed.  There was a little Disturbance at the Place where Barnard Hughs lived and there was only five Fellows that had a Hand in it.  They took his Goods and Leather, upon which Downing had the Head Men of 7 Towns to a Place called Tomassee, and told them that he understood that they had taken Hugh's Goods.  They consulted among themselves and immediately sent away to those People that had bred the Riot, and made them return the Goods again, by which we can learn it was owing to some of the white People's differing with the Indians, and it always will be the Case as long as such a Pack of unruly Fellows is suffered to go to the Indian Country.  [12]

 

Alexander Rattray -

May 24th, 1751

That at present the Fear of the People in these out Parts is so great that all the Families have left their Habitations, and betake themselves to the Forts with their Wives and Children, and their most valuable Effects.  That Numbers of them must loose their Crops notwithstanding he takes all Manner of Care to preserve them by sending out Parties of Men from Plantation to Plantation, so that while one Party works their Crops the other Party guards them.  [13]

 

David Dowey -

May 25th, 1751

some of our white People that go there do great hurt, that some come in with Rum having neither Licence or Goods, and go from Town to Town selling their Rum, and spreading Lyes and bad News . . . .

That Wm. Broadway in Beamers' Employ not long ago scared the Indians out of their Senses, telling them that the People of Carolina were raising an Army to cutt them all to Pieces, and make Slaves of their Women and Children.  The lower People upon hearing this News . . . sent a Messenger to acquaint the Overhills Towns of it. [14]

 

John Pearson -

Windsor Forest, 26 May, 1751

I was informed by one of the Cherokee Traders that there was a Runner come into the Cherokees from an Army consisting of five Nations of French Indians, to inform them that they were all a'coming into their Nation, but upon what Intent none of the white Men in the said Nation could learn.  But the nations, they say, seems to be in continual Motion, holding Councils of War, and every Morning setting up the War Hoop, and every Evening singing the Death Song, but  what the Event of it will be no Man knows.  [15]

 

Governor Glen to the Committee on Indian Affairs

 

It is proper for us to mention a good Understanding with all the Indian Nations around us, but it is absolutely necessary for us to be in Friendship with the Cherokees in Particular, both on Account of their Numbers and Nearness to us, for the promoting of the Trade, and for our own Security. . . . They are reckoned to be about 3,000 Gunmen, the greatest Nation we have in America, except the Chactaws.  And while we call them Friends, they may be considered as a Bullwork at our Backs, for such Numbers will always secure us on that Quarter, from the attempts of the French, besides the greater their Numbers are the more English Strouds and Duffills they will want, and the more Skins we shall receive in Exchange.  But let us consider that numerous Nation our Enemies, and it is certain they would soon desolate and lay waste the greatest Part of this Province, if we sit still and suffer them to attack our out Settlements.  Nay, I am afraid 1,000 Men situated as they are, would make our new Townships very uneasie if we act on the defensive only;  as several of their Towns lye about 90 Mile only from our Settlements, and they are well acquainted with the Roads, and with the Woods.  But suppose we should find it necessary to make an Offensive War, we ought to consider that a Chain of Mountains runs through their Country, difficult to be past but at one particular Place, a Pass which ten men could defend against a thousand, neither is there Necessity that those few Men should have Fire Arms, it being a very long shelving Path along the Side of a steep Mountain where one Man only can pass at a Time, and though it were practicable  for us to drive them out of such Part of their Country as lyes on this Side the Mountains, we could yet follow them no further.  And so we should be obliged to leave them in the peaceable Possession of a very rich and fertile Country on the other Side, which has been inhabitated by them for Ages, which lies on the Bank of a fine bold River, one of the Branches of Massessipi by which the French may come at least within a few Miles of many of their Towns with Boats.

Another Consideration that ought to make us very carefull not to disgust the Cherokees by stopping all Trade to that Nation, for they will certainly shew that it is natural to conclude that they may be tempted in that Event to throw themselves into the Arms of the French, who have been long counting their Friendship.  [16]

 

Robert Gandey -

June 5th, 1751

Affidavid of Robert Gandey, Indian Trader amongst the Cherokees, before his Excellency.

That on February last at Telliquo at which Time a Cherokee Indian named by that of the Little Carpenter came into the Cherokee Nation, which Indian had been formerly in England, that in Company of forty more Indians, he went down to the Lower Cherokee Town.  And who about ten Years ago had been taken by the French, and detained about six Years amongst them, and had returned to his own Country (the Cherokees) but about 3 Years ago the Deponent declares, that before the coming in of this Indian, viz., the Little Carpenter, had not heard of any bad Talks.  That such bad talks arose when the Little Carpenter and his Gang, viz., French and Northerly Indians, came among the Cherokees, and since his Arrival there he hath returned back among the French, and brought with him what is suspected to be a French Commission. . . . .

That the Northern Indians with the Cherokees had as the Deponent was informed, determined to begin at the Lower Towns, and of the Cherokees, and marching upwards kill all the white Men in the Nation.

Cherokees as he was informed had broke open the Store of Bernard Hughs and divided his Goods among them.  Likewise, that Hugh Murphy going to the Upper Cherokees with a Negro, met with a Gang of 7 or 8 Indians, one of whom pointed his Gun at Murphy and the Negro seeing it, said to Murphy, take care of yourself, the Indian is going to sute at you.  Whereupon, Murphy turning round his Horse was shot at by the Cherokee through the Arm and very much disabled and the Cherokee that shott him was of the Town of Oustannaad, one of the Towns of the Lower Cherokees.  [17]

 

 

Governor Glen to the Ranger Captains

To All Officers In The Out Settlements

June 15, 1751

Sir, As the late Alarm from the Indian Countries has disturbed the inhabitants in the out Settlements whose quiet and Security this Government has very much at Heart, I must desire that you will give them the strongest Assurances in the name of the Governor, Council, and Assembly, not only that proper Steps are and will be taken to disperse and dispel their Fears upon this Occasion but also that the most effectual Measures will be pursued to establish the future Peace and repose in those out Settlements.  2 or 3 Months Time will convince them that they have Nothing further to fear but are as secure as if they were in the Center of the Province.

 you are to range . . . near the Cherokee Nation, permitting no Indian whatever unless such can give good Account of themselves, to pass downwards to molest or disturb the Inhabitants of this Province.  And your are to be equally careful that no white Person whatsoever either with or without Goods be permitted to pass toward the Cherokee Nation.  [18]

Governor Glen to the Traders of the Cherokee Nation

June 15, 1751

Gentlemen, As this Government has thought proper to send to the Cherokees to demand Satisfaction for the insolent and outdacious Behavior of some of their People, and as it will very much conduce to the Security and Welfare of this Province, as well as to the Safety of his Majesty's Subjects, the Traders in that Nation, that all trade and commerce with them be stopped till such Time as they come to a better Way of thinking.  And to comply with the Terms we have required of them, I therefore by the Advice of his Majesty's honorable Council, and in his Majesty's Name and Authority order each of your forthwith to leave the Cherokee Nation with all your Effects as you will answer the Contrary at your Peril.  [19]

 

Roger Gibson -

Corinaca, July the 22nd, 1751

while we were gone, three Indians came into an old House, where Capt. Fairchild's Troop had left their Provisions, with three white Men only to take care of it, and went in the House with long Knives open in their Hands;  and one of them fired his Gun in the House and loaded her directly again, and told them they were Cherokees, and went off showing impudent Airs, as if they defied and did not value us, so that all we can learn is, they intend Nothing but War.  [20]

 

James Francis -

July 24th, 1751

The Behaviour of the Indians here hath impri[nt]ed not small Fear in the Peoples Breasts, for some Time before I arrived home, which was on Saturday the 20th Instant,  a Company of Cherokees viz., Estanaury People, came to a Plantation about five or six Miles from my House, and made a dreadful Havock therein, destroying a great Part of the Corn then growing, Potatoes, Colworts, Tobacco, and whatsoever they could detriment.  The leading Fellow of the Gang was the Little Warrior of Estanaury, who also came with two Fellows more with him, to my House about the same Time, asking for some Corn . . . they . . . were insolent in their Demands, the Head Fellow saying he was a Warriour, and would fill his Baggs, which they each accordingly did, each Man his Bagg and afterwards behaved very impudently.  About this Time also, two Calves were found dead, shott with Arrows not much above a Quarter of a Mile from the House.   The Tongue and what they call the back Strop was taken from one, and only the Tongue from the other.  At the same Time, if not the same Day, a poor Man that lives within three Miles of me had five Cows shott and killed within a Mile or two of his House, four of which were milking Cows, leaving young Calves in the Pen, which must inevitably die also. . . .

We therefore begg Leave with all due Submission to propose to your Excellency that we cannot expect Peace or Quietness here as Matters are brought to those Lengths they now are, unless a Fort is placed in the Frontiers of this Settlement, and a sufficient Number of Rangers to drive these Norwards, or French Indians, from molesting and destroying our Effects, which is our Livelihood. . . It is very certain that a Fort in the Cherokee Nation may be of great Service, on sundry Accounts, but in Relation to the present Preservation (which is absolutely necessary to prevent the breaking up of the Settlements) or future Establishment of these Parts, the People cannot allow it will be of any Service, unless a standing Company of Rangers are allowed to be continually ranging the Woods, where these Norwards  or French Indians seem to have taken Possession.  [21]

 

Talks of the Cherokees -

Hywassee, August 9th,1751

    Warriour of Autaley . . . . .said that when the Warriours of this Nation was in England, His Majesty King George ask them who was their Enemies, and they said the Chickesaws, French and Spaniards, and that His Majesty King George promised them Powder, Bullets and Guns they they might maintain the Ground they lived on.

Without you, our Fathers help, he says . . . the French are settling Forts near to us, and their Indians likewise is coming nearer and nearer to take our Ground from us, but here we will live till we die.

that when our Brother sees this Letter that you will send us Ammunition for our Assistance, which is your Enemies and our Enemies also.

 

Man Killer of Noyone   . . . . . we long and morn to see our Traders amongst us . . . when your Excellency sees this Talk, as being their eldest Brother, you will think on us and assist us in our Wants against our Enemies.  [22]

 

Captain John Fairchild -

Near 96, 24 August, 1751

I met with Mr. Doritithy, Trader from the Cherokees (in his return from that Nation) who informed me by way of Hints that Richd. Smith, Trader to that Nation, was partly Cause of the present Uneasiness, for that the said Smith promised the Cherokee Trade to Virginia and that the Indian Fellow which came down in his Company which he was to take to Virginia with him, who was to pilot him back through the Woods, back of the Catawabas, assuring the Indians of a good cheap Trade from that Province.  For that Carolina was now grown troublesome, which Word Troublesome, it seems, has a great Weight with Indians. . . .

I am to inform your Excellency that I have frequently seen Indians about and above 96, all which calls themselves Cherokees but by their not hunting Deers, and they uses Bows and Arrows, makes me think your Excellency will be pleased to Pardon the Freedom I have here taken.  [23]

 

Governor Glen to the Emperor and Head Men of the Cherokees

August 26, 1751

 

You desire that I and some of my beloved Men might meet you at Saludy in twenty-two Days after the Date of your Letter, because as you say the Country if unhealthful further down, and has occasioned the Loss of many of your Head Men.  I am very sensible that many of your People fell sick, when you were last here, and that some died, which was a great Affliction to me, and I assure you it is not the Length of the Way that prevents my coming to meet you. . . .

Two days ago the King of the Catawabas and some of the head Men whom I had sent with an Interpreter under the Care of one of my beloved Men to New York, returned hither and they have concluded a firm Peace with the Nottowagoes, and the Six Nations and all the Northern Indians, and they have brought from them many Belts and Collors of Wampum, as Tokens they have buried the Hatchet so deep as never more to be found . . ..

I recommend . . . that you give immediate Notice of this to all the Northern Indians that may be in your Nation, that they may Immediately return Home. . . .

I hear while a Party of your People were in the Woods, some French Men in a Canoe upon the Mississippi or Tennassee River came and fired upon them, which your People returned and killed two of them, and that you are bringing him to me, and I have written Capt. Gibson, or some of the other Captains to take care of him and bring him down in Safety.  [24]

 

John Buckles Vauhan -

thirty-odd Cherokees left their hunting Camps, and came to the Chickesaws and made a great Dale of Disturbance there.  They told the Chickasaws it was good for them to beat their white People, and take away their Goods, for that was the way they served the Traders in their Nation.  [25]

 

Governor Glen -

September 12th, 1751

I have received Intelligence that some Traders from Virginia intend to supply the Cherokees with Goods and Ammunition and as it might very much endanger the Peace and Safety of this Province were such Traders permitted to go into that Nation in the present Situation of Affairs, I communicated these Matters to His Majesty's honorable Council . . . .And it is their united Opinion that the said Traders or any other should by all Means possible be prevented from going in.  [26]

TALK OF THE NOTOWAGA INDIANS

Kewowee

To His Excellency James Glen, Esq., Governor in and over the Province of South Carolina &c., &c., &c.,

Whereas some Time ago we desired to have a Peace with the Catawbas Nation, who sent us Word that they had two Conveniencies, one for their Women, and one for us, and that they were Men and Warriours since which Time we are at War, and are of one Mind never to have Peace with them, and seeing they depend upon the English who harbour them in their Settlements where they go for Shelter.  We therefore are obliged to look there for them, and the white People think hard of their Cattle being killed, we look upon all the English to be our Friends . . . but they do not look upon us as Friends, but gives Notice to our Enemies, that they may kill us, and the white People love their Cattle so much, makes them tell the Enemy, which has been the Occasion we have lost several Men, but we value our Men as much as the white Men do their Cattle, so we desire they may not harbour the Catawabas in their Settlements, which if they do we must come after them, and then are forced to kill Cattle for Want of Meat, being so far from Whome, and therefore if any of them goes down in the Settlements send them back, and then the white Peoples' Cattle will not be killed . . .

That tho' we have lost so many Men we shall continue our War to get Revenge, and desire that the white People not to intermeddle as, our Hearts are not bad toward them, but the Catawabas with whom we will never make Peace. [27]

 

William Thomson -

he heard at Kewee that the Indians designed to kill all the white People . . . That the Reason given by the Cherokees for their Resolution of killing the white Men was because they said this Government supplied the Creeks with Ammunition and withheld it from them.

he said the Indians were so much indebted to the white People for Goods, that they imagined if they killed them the Debt was paid.  [28]

 

John Fouquet -

Amelia, October 4th, 1751

This Morning early two Neighbours came to ask me to assist to take the Indians who had killed one James Cotter as he was returning Yesterday Afternoon from the Mill with Corn (they had killed a Steer Yesterday Noon near one Mr. Fitspatrick's Fence who upon hearing a Gun went out after them a Quarter of a Mile and saw three Indians dres[sing] Me]at at their Camps).  We went to their Camps but found nothing but a Blanket left as a Token of Mischief upon a forked Stick, and a little barbarculed Beef and Bones, by their different resting Places.  There was twelve of them, at least.  They had departed from Camp different Ways, so that we could not take the right Tract to catch them although we followed the most Plain by the Advice of an Indian in Company.  [29]

 

Lieutenant Governor Burwell to Governor Glen -

Virginea, October 26th,1751

In Compliance with your Excellency's Request I have ordered the following Advertizement to be published in the Virginia Gazette:

 

A Letter form the Governor of South Carolina advises that the Cherokees who were lately in Williamsburg under the Character and Denomination of Embassadors and Nobles are People of no eminent Quality or Dignity, but obscure Persons; that they have committed many Crueltys and Injuries to the Inhabitants of that Province and were to have been delivered up by their Country Men to be punished; that it is false that they ever made any Application to the Government of Carolina or had not been furnished with Goods, they having been abundantly supplied with every Thing by that Province for near forty Years.  This Intelligence is therefore incerted in the Gazette that the Inhabitants of this Colony may be cautious in their Commerce with them.  [30]

Meeting of Governor Glen and Cherokees

Charles Town, November, 1751

 

Talk of the Cherokee Indians -

             November 14, 1751

The Raven of Hywassee -

I saw the Governor as my Father and heard his, and his Brothers Talk and liked it well. . . .  The Chain of Peace which the Great King George holds one end, and we the other, never will be spoiled, nor broken.  My Town is a good Way off from the Towns whence the bad Talks came.  I own there have been bad Talks in our Country as well as bad Towns, and I am sorry when I saw it. . . .

Formerly we were forced to wear the Skins of wild Beasts, and if his Excellency and the English were to leave us we must do it again.  There were some People among us who made bad Talks, but that was but like one Man in a Family, but from hence forward there shall be no more bad Talks.

In his Excellency's Speech of Yesterday there are some Things with which I am not acquainted, as not having Knowledge of the Facts, as they did not happen at the Place I now live.  I desire [n]o bad Talks, and will give none.  I desire all Things may be made easie that I may go Home with an easie and quiet Mind.  I hope his Excellency will take Notice of what I now say, for I am ready to weep for what our People had done.  But I hope the Governor will pardon it, I have not forgot His Excellency's Talk of Yesterday, and I hope the Governor will be as easie as he can to pardon Everything.  What more is spread about our leaving our Nation is without any Foundation.  Where can we have a Supply all around us?  We never intend to go to the French, nor can we get any from them.  We have none to depend upon but the English.  This my Talk is not to be looked upon as Nothing, I am not a young Man.  What I say is from my Heart, therefore I desire his Excellency would remember it, as I do his.

 

Tassitte of Stecoe -

I was not at Home when this happened, nor would there have been any such Doings, had I been there.  That on hearing that Barnard Hughs' Goods had been plundered he immediately ordered them to be restored, and said that if any Thing was wanting he would order his Hunters to go get Skins to pay for th[e]m.

 

Sachetche of Tucologia -

I am Head Man of Tucosigia, and of several Upper Towns, and though I am but a young Man I have been at War.  I was sorry to hear how Things were for I love the white People.  I am come down to your Excellency and hope that all Things will again be made easie and streight.

 

Governor to Interpreter -

Tell them that I gave my Talk Yesterday to them that they might think upon it, but am sorry to see, that they seem not to remember many Things in it, for they must not think that because some have come down and say they are sorry for what has happened will claim Pardon untill first we obtain the Satisfaction which they promised and have not given it.  If  they complained of any of my People, I would have punished them, and is it reasonable that when we complain of the People, that they should escape Punishment?  I know the Indians here present are good, but am sorry that they would screen the Guilty.  Why has not he that killed the white Man at the Occonies been brought down?  This is a most material Thing but they have not so much as once mentioned it.

 

Indians -

We desire our Answer thereto may be deferred till Tomorrow Morning.

 

Governor -

They had my Speech among them Yesterday, as why they did not mention it now?  I will wait till Tomorrow, though I am surprized they have not taken any Notice of some other Things, particularly of Murphey's being shot, as these things are in the Talk, but finding they have omitted taking Notice of them, I shall mention some other things.   I have often complained of their permitting the French and Norward Indians coming into their Country destroying our good Friends.  That some of the Cherokees have accompanied them in their Expeditions, and supplied them with Amunition and Provisions that they come down to our Settlements and killed our Cattel and People.  `Tis true, I never heard the Cherokees did dip their Hands in Blood within our Settlements, but they have aided and assisted the Northern Indians who came into their Country, and boasted for what they had done, but I hope they will now go Home, and think seriously about these [Thin]gs and consult together, for before any Thing can be made streight I expect their positive Answer.

 

November 15

Governor to Interpreter . . . . .

Let them know that I listened with great Attention to what they said Yesterday . . . but to my Surprize, I found they had passed over in Silence or evaded the most material Parts of it.

 

Tassitte of Hywassee, called the Raven . . . . .

What your Excellency said is very true.  I think we did not give you a full Answer last Night.  But I live a great Way from the Towns where these Things happened and from whence the bad Talks came.  I therefore desire that the Warrior of Keowee may speak.

 

Skiagunsta, or the Warrior of Keowee . . . . .

It is true your Excellency sent to have the Person who had been guilty of this Action brought down to you, but your Letter did not come directly to my Town.  The Messenger went almost round the Nation and came in at Hywassee.  It was a considerable time before it reached my Length, and in the meantime he, having got Intelligence of the Contents of your Letter, said it was very true he had killed his Friend and he was sorry for it, but that he would now go into the Woods to War that he might die by the Hand of the Enemie.  He accordingly went our and was not returned when     I set off, but I have since heard that in two Days after he came into the nation and brought a Scalp with him, and I promise whenever I come again to bring him with me and to deliver him to your Excellency if he be alive and this is all that I have to say on that Head.

As to the Man who was shot in the Arm, I was not at Home at that Time, but was very much concerned when I heard of it.  When I     returned I made diligent Enquiry into it, examining if any of our People had been out at that Time, but they had all been Home.  I found afterwards that it was the Twightees, Taghwas, and Nanteyas.  

I have told you all I know and shall say no more. . . .

 

Governor . . . . .

You have now given an Answer to what I have said.  You shall soon know what will be done.

 

Warrior . . . . .

I have one or two more Words to say.  I hope all that is past will now be forgotten.  The Sun is now down, the Morrow is a new Day, and I hope all will be forgotten?

 

Governor . . . . .

Tell them I have heard bad Things of the Little Carpenter, that when he returns from the French he brings bad Talks.  When he returns again, they are not to look on him as a head Man or Warrior, but as a Boy, and are not to mind his Talk.

 

Indians . . . . .

It is very good.

 

Governor . . . . .

I have some other Things to say, but it is late, when we meet again I will.  I hope we shall part good Friends.  I shall endeavour to make a Peace between you and the Creeks, and Chickesaws, and Catawbas.  There are some Things I expect they will perform.  I expect it from their whole Nation, and I expect the Man that killed the white Man at the Occonies will be delivered up when he returns, if alive.

 

Indians . . . . .

It shall be done.

 

Lud Grant, Indian Trader . . . . .

The Little Carpenter told me very lately in my own House, that many Lies have been told about him, but that in a little Time he himself would come down and clear himself.

 

Governor . . . . .

We are now going to part.  If Anything has been ommited that they have not answered, I hope they will mention it at our next Meeting.  Finis.  [31]

Talk of Governor Glen to the Cherokees concerning their Treaty

26th November, 1751

 

Governor . . . . .

Friends and Brothers, We have had several Meetings together since your coming to Town.  I propose this to be the last, before you leave it.  This Paper (taking up the written Treatie) is the Agreement between us and you.  I shall read it over and if there is any Thing therein that is not agreeable to you, I desire you will let me know it.

 

Indians . . . . .

Very good!

 

Governor . . . . . .

As I propose, it shall be now read before you.  I shall first recapitulate some Things already done.  When you first came to Charles Town, I laid before you the severall Complaints made against your People by the white Men.  All these Things I explained to you and desired you give me your Answers.  You accordingly met the next Day, and gave me your Answers.

 

Indians . . . . .

Yes!

 

Governor . . . . .

 But the answers you made were not sufficiently full nor explicate.  I therefore desired you to consider the Matter again, which you did, and in some Particulars you did exculpate yourselves, in others you owned the Charge was just. . . .

the following Articles were agreed upon, viz.

 

1st.  That there should be a perpetual Peace and perfect good Understanding betwixt His Majesty, King George's Subjects of South Carolina, and the Nation of Indians called Cherokees, and all Disputes and all Differences, all Wrongs and Injuries whether of an old or more modern Date that have been Committed by the Cherokee Nation, shall be forgiven and forgotten, shall never more be mentioned or though of but buried in eternal Oblivion, except what follows, that is to say,

That whereas a Cherokee belonging to the Town of Kewochie did lately kill a white Man to the Southward, it is expressly stipulated and agreed by the whole Cherokee Nation that the said Offender shall be delivered up to this Government to be punished for his said Offence.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

2nd.  That whereas the Store of an English Trader called Bernard Hugh's was broken open in the Town of Stecoe . . . the said Bernard Hughs shall be fully indemnified for his Losses.

 

Indians . . . . .

Good!  We agree.

 

3rd.  Whereas some Indians belonging to the Town of Stecoe complain that they were robbed this last Spring of three hundred and thirty Deer Skins which they had left in their hunting Camp . . . we will immediately pay or cause to be paid to the head Man of Estatoe for the Use of such Indians as had any Interest in the Skins the full Value of 330 Deer Skins.

 

Indians . . . . .

We are all well pleased!

 

4th.  Whereas the Little Carpenter has been represented as a common Disturber of the peace and is daily exciting his Country Men to break the treaties betwixt us and their Nation, it is promised by the Cherokees when they return Home, that they will oblige him in Person to come to Charles Town to give an Account of his past Conduct.

 

Indians . . . . .

We promise to do it.

 

5th.  The Indians shall not presume to detain any white Man in their Country contrary to his Inclinations . . . unless he has killed some of their People, and in that Case, he may be delivered up to this Government for punishment.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree thereto!

 

6th.  If any Indians shall kill a white Man, he shall be punished as the Government shall direct . . . and in like Manner, if any white Man shall kill a Cherokee he shall . . . be punished by this Government as if he had killed a white Man.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

7th.  No Indian or Indians shall by Force or Violence break open the House or Store of any white Man, or robb him of his Goods     or Leather. . . .

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

8th.  If any Person whoever, whether he be a white Man, or an Indian, shall act contrary to any of the Articles of this Treatie, the same . . . shall be punished without Delay, as is now agreed upon and thus the Chain of Friendship shall never be broken.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

9th.  If any Negro or Mullatto shall desert from his Master and shall fly to the Cherokee Country, the Indians shall do their utmost Endeavour to apprehend him, and shall deliver him . . . for which they shall have a Reward.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

10th.  And whereas the Governor was at great Pains some Time ago to make a Peace betwixt the Creeks and Cherokees, which has been observed by the Upper Creeks ever since, he will use his Interest that the Cowetas, and Cussetas, and all the Lower Creeks shall make a Peace with the Cherokees.

 

11th. the Cherokees solemnly promise and engage that they will to the utmost of their Power for the Future prevent the French and Norward Indians from coming into our Settlements, nor will they supply them with Provisions or Ammunition for that End.

And whereas you have frequently represented that your Want of Power to effectively prevent these foreign Indians from coming amongst us, and have often applied to this Government to have Forts built in your Country, you promise that whenever we begin to build the said Forts, you will give your utmost Assistance in building them.

 

Indians . . . . .

Very good!  We agree.

 

12th.  the Cherokees . . . shall not permit any of the Settlement Indians to reside in or come to their Nation, without Liberty of this Government.

 

Indians . . . . .

We agree!

 

13th.  That the present Treatie is not to break or weaken the Chain of Friendship, made by their Fathers, with the Great King George over the Great Waters, but on the contrary . . . strengthen and explain it and both are to last, while the Sun shines, and while the Rivers run.

 

Indians . . . . .

It is good!

 

14th.  The Traders shall be immediately sent into the Cherokee Nation with all Manner of Goods, commonly used by the Indians, and particularly with Arms and Ammunition, but they shall not be permitted to carry Rum; that every Trader shall make Use of just and equal Balance and just Weights, and Measures, and there shall be Weights and Measures delivered to the Head Man of each Town, to keep a check on the Traders.

 

15th.  No Cherokee Indian shall sell his Skins or Leather in the Settlements or anywhere but in the Towns where he lives. . . . It is expressly stipulated and agreed that the Skins shall be trimmed, that is to say, that the Horns, Ears, Hoofs, and Snouts shall be cutt off.

 

Indians . . . . .

We all understand it and do agree to it.  We are well pleased and it shall be done.

 

16th.  And in order to prevent all Mistakes betwixt the English and the Cherokees for the Future the Indians promise that they will not listen or give Ear to any bad Talks, whether they are brought to them by Indians or by white Men.

 

Indians . . . . .

We all agree.

 

17th.  And whereas so many Inconvenience arise by the Indians hunting among our Settlements and too far from their Nation, it is hereby stipulated that no Cherokee Indians shall come lower down to hunt that the Place called the dividing Waters, nor shall they come under any other Pretence unless when they are sent for by the Governor.

 

Governor . . . . .

Tell them that if any among them have ought to say, I am ready to hear them.

 

Skiagunsta, the Warrior of Keowee . . . . .

I am now very glad and thankfull that the Traders are now coming up again amongst us as usual that we may be supplied again and that everyone is going to this own Town. I have enjoyned all our People on their Return to their several Towns to tell everything faithfully to the People of our Nation what your Excellency has said and if any shall not tell the Truth or utter what is false they shall be repremanded.  The People in our Nation will be glad as we are when they hear that Traders and white Men are coming up amongst as usuall. . . . .This is the last Night we are to stay here.  Our People are willing and we hope to be enabled to go off Tomorrow.

 

Governor . . . . .

Yes.  [32]

November 28th, 1751

Raven . . . . .

I return the Governor Thanks and his beloved Men for the Favours we have received.  We are a poor People and can make Nothing ourselves, nor have we Anything but what we get from the white People.  We own that there have been some late Misunderstandings, but now they are all settled, and we shall do our utmost Endeavour that no such things shall be for the Future.

 

The Council and other Gentlemen present considered it proper that his Excellency should acquaint the Indians of the Rumor there is, since the last Talk, about the Creek Indians lying wait to interrupt them on the Road on their Way Home.

 

Raven . . . . .

I had a Dream that the Enemy was in the Path, and we want more Guns, for with our bare Hands alone we can not do any Thing against the Enemy.

 

Thereupon it was proposed and agreed to by the Governor, Council, and the Gentlemen named in the late Ordinance, and Members of the Present Assembly, to give a Gun to each of the Cherokee Men for their better Security, and Defence on this Occasion.  The Commissary General was accordingly ordered to add twenty-five more Guns to the List of Presents, to be distributed as the head Men shall think fit.

 

His Excellency . . . . .

Now as you have come down I wish you all well back to your own Country, but I am informed this Morning that some Creeks are lying on the Path to Waylay you, most probably to cutt off some of your Stragglers.  I desire that you will keep all together, for I scarcely think the Creeks will be so bold as to attack so many brave Men.  However, I shall send to the Creeks to tell them that I will have no fighting in this Country, and in Case of the worst, I have ordered 25 more Guns to be distributed among you, that no Man will be without a Gun.

 

Interpreter . . . . ( To Governor)

The Raven wants 25 Guns to be distributed among his own People, not for the Lower People.

 

Governor . . . . .

Let us know how many Guns are wanting.

 

Indians . . . . .

We want 58 more Guns.

 

Governor . . . . .

Tell them they have had one hundred and thirteen Guns already, but we are not to take directions from Indians, what we are to give them.  Tell them that the Presents they have received are more than ever was given.  I will forgive them at present for asking, but for the Future they are not to ask for Anything, and that they may be very well contented considering what lately had happened among them.

 

Scalioskie of Great Telliquo . . . . .

I was here when his Excellency promised a Fort to be built in the Lower nation, and I then said Nothing, but I hope your Excellency and your beloved Men will grant us the same Promise, that a Fort be built among the Over Hill Towns.

 

Governor . . . . .

Tell them Things will be gradually done.

 

After shaking Hands with the Governor and Council, they all withdrew.   [33]