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30. Politics of Survival

 

 

 

 

News of the signing of the Treaty of New Echota on December 29^th 1835 sent shock waves through the Cherokee Nation.  Most felt betrayed by the small group of pro-removal leaders who signed it and rallied behind the efforts of John Ross to have it repealed.  However, on May 17, 1836 the United States Senate ratified the treaty by a one vote margin with the stipulation that Cherokee removal be completed by the 25^th of May 1838.  John Ross and his delegation made repeated trips to Washington in an effort to somehow have the treaty rescinded before the end of the two year deadline. 

In the summer of 1837, George W. Featherstonhaugh, a British subject acting as the first United States Geologist, made a survey of the Cherokee country that coincided with a meeting of a national council.

 

 

 

 

Elias Boudinot -

In this state of things, utterly unable himself to consummate a treaty which he may think preferable, Mr. Ross is using his influence to defeat the only measure that can give relief to his suffering people. . . . He says he is doing the will of the people, and he holds their authority; they are opposed, and it is enough.  The will of the people!  The opposition of the people!  This has been the cry for the last five years, until the people have become but a mere wreck of what they once were; all their institutions and improvements utterly destroyed; their energy enervated; their moral character debased, corrupted and ruined.  The whole of that catastrophe . . . might have been averted, if Mr. Ross . . . had met the crisis manfuly as it became him to do, and unfolded to his confiding people the sure termination of these things; they might now have been a happy and prosperous community, a monument to his forecast and wise administration as an Indian chief.  But, no sir, he has dragged an ignorant train, wrought upon by near-sighted prejudice and stupid obstinacy, to the brink of destruction.  [1]

 

 

 

To Lewis Cass

February 9^th 1836

We have received by the hand of James D. Woffard of our nation who has been deputed as a special messenger by the Cherokee people of Aquohee and Taquohee districts their protest against the confirmation of the treaty, which is said to have been formed by the Commissioners. 

This protest is signed by three thousand, two hundred and fifty persons, and from information derived from other sources, it is evident, that the great body of the Cherokee people deprecate the proceedings of the New Echota meeting. 

We know nothing of the tenor of the instructions under which the Commissioners acted - but it is enough for us to know, that the Cherokee people, whose rights and interest we have the honor to represent, disapprove of, and solemnly protest against, the proceedings of New Echota.

Jno Ross  [2]

 

 

 

To John Ross

February 11, 1836

I have been informed that Schermerhorn says that a great many Cherokees had attended his meeting, and that he had effected a treaty for the whole nation; but I have seen and conversed with several persons who were there; all agree in saying that only about seventy nine persons were there in favor of the proceedings, and that most of the people in attendance were white people. 

Mr. Schermerhorn also appointed a meeting in the Valley towns, but no Cherokees attended, excepting two, who happened there for other purposes than intended by the commissioner. 

Schermerhorn remarked that it made no difference, for he would carry his purpose into effect; that his design was to inform the people of his treaty; then departed for Washington to meet his delegation on the way.

George Lowrey

 

 

 

To John Howard Payne

March 5^th 1836

Mr. Schermerhorn arrived with his delegation - consisting of Major Ridge, Elias Boudinot, James Starr, James Foster, John Gunter, Andrew Ross, John A Bell, Wm. Rodgers, Johnson Rodgers, Tayeskee, Joseph Foreman, John Fields, James Fields, Robert Sanders, George Welch and Long Shell Turtle - Boudinot in the character of Interpreter and Johnson Rodgers as Secry. 

These men profess to have been sent by the nation, in pursuance of the New Echota meeting to effect the ratification of Schermerhorn's Treaty. 

The Delegation duly appointed by the Nation, have been excessively annoyed by intriguers, owing to the conduct of these individuals, who are under the influence of the Rev. Commissioner and the demonical agent of the Govt. 

The people of the mountain regions, over in the Valley Towns, have with much alacrity gotten up a protest against the ratification of Schermerhorn's unlawful Treaty. . . .

The General Council of the nation has also been convened at Red Clay on the 1st of Febry last, and certain resolutions were adopted against the New Echota proceedings, a protest was also gotten up and steps taken to procure the signatures of the people thro'out the several districts of the nation. . . .

John Ridge & Stand Watie, some days since, very abruptly withdrew themselves from us, without even making their intention known to the delegation, or assigning any reason for doing so - their motives however cannot be misunderstood - and from past indications, no one can be surprised at their conduct - and if it be their own choice to stain their reputation with indelible infamy, by their acts of treachery - I can now do no more than to pity them - for their folly and wickedness of heart.

Jno Ross  [3]

 

 

 

Major W. M. Davis to the Secretary of War -

I conceive that my duty to the President, to yourself, and to my country reluctantly compels me to make a statement of facts in relation to a meeting of a small number of Cherokees at New Echota last December, who were met by Mr. Schermerhorn and articles of a general treaty entered into between them and the whole Cherokee Nation. . . .

Sir, that paper . . . called a treaty, is no treaty at all, because not sanctioned by the great body of the Cherokee and made without participation or assent.  I solemnly declare to you that upon its reference to the Cherokee people it would be instantly rejected by nine-tenths of them, and I believe by nineteen-twentieths of them. 

There were not present at the conclusion of the treaty more than one hundred Cherokee voters, although the weather was everything that could be desired.  The Indians had long been notified of the meeting, and blankets were promised to all who would come and vote for the treaty. 

The business of making a treaty was transacted with a committee appointed by the Indians present, so as not to expose their number.  The power of attorney under which the committee acted was signed only by the president and secretary of the meeting, so as not to disclose their weakness. . . . Mr. Schermerhorn's apparent design was to conceal the real number present and to impose on the public and the government upon this point. 

The delegation taken to Washington by Mr. Schermerhorn had no more authority to make a treaty than any other dozen Cherokees picked up for that purpose. 

I now warn you and the President that if this paper of Schermerhorn's called a treaty is sent to the Senate and ratified you will bring trouble upon the government and eventually destroy this the Cherokee Nation.  The Cherokees are a peaceable, harmless people, but you may drive them to desperation, and this treaty cannot be carried into effect except by the strong arm of force.  [4]

 

 

 

 

John Ross Addressing The United States Senate

Washington City March 8^th 1836

 

. . . since the Cherokee delegation left their Nation for Washington City, The Revd. John F. Schermerhorn, United States Commissioner, convened a few of the Cherokee people in New Echota, and entered into a contract with them, in the form of a Treaty, which has been submitted to your Hon. Body for ratification.  This instrument purports to be a contract with the Cherokee people, when in fact it has been agreed upon, in direct violation of their wills, wishes, and interests, by a few unauthorized individuals of the Nation. . . .  [5]

 

 

 

General John E. Wool to President Jackson -

It is vain to talk to a people almost universally opposed to the treaty and who maintain that they never made such a treaty.  So determined are they in their opposition that no one of all those who were present and voted at the council held but a day or two since, however poor or destitute, would either receive rations or clothing from the United States lest they might compromise themselves in regard to the treaty.  These same people as well as those in the mountains of North Carolina, during the summer past, preferred living upon the roots and sap of trees rather than receive provisions from the United States, and thousands, as I have been informed, had no other food for weeks.  Many have said they will die before they will leave the country. [6]

 

John Ridge –

May 1836

You say John Ridge was prompted by a selfish ambition when he signed the treaty, and no one knows it better than he. . . . John Ridge may not die tomorrow . . .  but sooner or later he will have to yield his life as the penalty for signing.  John Ridge has not acted blindly, for he sees plainly that his people cannot hope to stand against the white man in their present situation.  By removing to the west they may in time learn to hold their own with the white man.  Let it not be said that John Ridge acted from motives of ambition, for he acted for what he believed to be the best interest of his people.  [7]

 

 

To John E. Wool

September 30^th 1836

. . . The chiefs, National Committee & Council and the people of the Cherokee Nation in General Council assembled have resolved that, the instrument purporting to be a treaty made at New Echota, on the 29th day of Decr. 1835 by the revd. Jno F. Schermerhorn commissioner of the United States and the Chiefs, head men & people of the Cherokee Tribe of Indians, is a fraud upon the Govt. of the United States and an act of oppression on the Cherokee people - that those who are represented as acting on the part of the Cherokees, and who assume the style of "Chiefs & Head men" hold no such title or designation from the Cherokees, nor, have they received authority from the Nation to form said instrument, therefore said instrument is null & void and can never in justice be enforced upon the nation, as they do most solemnly disclaim and utterly reject said instrument. . . . That any irresponsible individuals assuming to themselves the power to act in the name of the Nation, without authority first legitimately obtained, will be deemed guilty of infringing to prerogatives of the Nation, and violating the rights of the Cherokee people, who will surely never sanction such usurpation nor acquiesce in the doings of such persons.

Jno Ross  [8]

 

 

John Ridge to Governor Lumpkin -

November 2, 1836

We will carry out the treaty triumphantly notwithstanding John Ross's efforts to delude the ignorant class.  [9]

 

John Ross to President Jackson –

We now come to address you on the subject of our griefs and afflictions from the acts of the white people.  They have got our lands and now are preparing to fleece us of the money accruing from the treaty. 

We found our plantations taken in whole or in part by the Georgians - suits, instituted against us for back rents for our own farms.  These suits are commenced in the inferior courts, with the evident design that, when we are ready to remove, to arrest our people, and on these vile claims to induce us to compromise for our own release, to travel with our families.  Thus our funds will be filched from our people, and we shall be compelled to leave our country as beggars and in want.

Even the Georgia laws, which deny our oaths, are thrown aside, and notwithstanding the cries of our people, and protestations of our innocence and peace, the lowest classes of the white people are flogging the Cherokees with cowhides, hickories, and clubs.  We are not safe in our houses - our people are assailed by day and night by the rabble.  Even justices of the peace and constables are concerned in this business.  This barbarous treatment is not confined to men, but the women are stripped also and whipped without law or mercy. . . .

Send regular troops to protect us from these lawless assaults, and to protect our people as they depart for the West.  If it is not done, we shall carry off nothing but the scars of the lash on our backs, and our oppressors will get all the money.  We talk plainly, as chiefs having property and life in danger, and we appeal to your protection.  [10]

 

 

 

 

HEAD QUARTERS, ARMY E.T & C.N. FORT CASS
November 3d. 1836
GENERAL ORDER
No. 74

I am instructed by the President of the United States, through the War Department, to make known to Mr. John Ross, and all others whom it may concern, that it is his determination to have the late Treaty, entered into between the United States and the Cherokee People, and ratified by the Senate, the 25th May, 1836, "religiously fulfilled in all its parts, terms and conditions, within the period prescribed," and that "no delegation which may be sent" to Washington "with a view to obtain new terms, or a modification of those of the existing treaty, will be received or recognized, nor will any intercourse be had with them, directly or indirectly, orally or in writing;" and that the President regards the proceedings of Mr. Rossand his associates in the late Council held at Red Clay, "as in direct contravention of the plighted faith of their people, and a repetition of them will be considered as indicative of a design to prevent the execution of the Treaty, even at the hazard of actual hostilities, and they will be promptly repressed."

It is further made known by instructions from the War Department, that "if any of our citizens enter the Cherokee country and incite opposition to the execution of the treaty, "they will be proceeded against according to the laws of the State, if any exist on the subject, in which they may enter; and if there should be "no law of the State which can be brought to bear on them, and under which they may be removed," "it is the opinion of the President" as expressed through the War Department "that they may be removed" out of the country, "under the 6th article of the treaty," in which the United States guarantee that the Cherokees shall be "protected against interruption and intrusion from citizens of the United States who may attempt to settle in the country," unless it is with the express consent "of the Committee who are acting under the 12th Article of the Treaty, and by the terms of that Article they alone are authorized to give it."

All officers of the Army, whether commanding Volunteers or Regular Troops, under my command, are required and directed to make known to all persons residing, or who may come within the range of their respective commands, the contents of this order. And to make diligent search and enquiry in regard to all citizens who may enter the Cherokee country, and incite opposition or interfere with the due execution of the treaty, and report their names and places of residence without delay, to General Head Quarters, in order that they may be proceeded against, according to the laws of the country, and the instructions of the President of the United States. They are also required and directed to prevent all meetings and to break up all Councils coming to their knowledge, assembled in the Cherokee country, for the purpose of opposing the treaty, or discussing its non-execution.

John E. Wool Brig. Genl Comdg  [11]

 

 

 

To John Ross

Cherokee Agency January 16 1837

Dear Brother

Your letter is received.  I had just laid down when the boy came.  I do think that there is nothing more certain than that you will be arrested if you remain a day at home.  General Wool leaves here in the morning for New Echota and will probably go by your place.  Therefore I would advise you by all means to put out from home tomorrow morning and cross the Highwassee at Pattons ferry at the mouth of Ocoee and get to Athens without delay.  If you were at Athens you would be safe, and I could come up there on Wednesday and see you there.  The demand that has been made for the public books & papers, would be a good pretext for your arrest if nothing else.  Mr. Taylor reached here this evening and is now in bed, he does not know any thing of this.  I will inform him in the morning.  You must reach Athens without delay for your own safety and for the interest of the cause you are laboring for.  In great haste I have directed the boy to return tonight.  Mr. Taylor may possibly go up to Athens tomorrow.  If you were both there you could stay as long as you wish.  Your affectionate Brother.

Lewis Ross  [12]

 

 

 

To the Public

1837

What is termed the "Cherokee question" may be considered in two points of view: the controversy with the States and the General Government, and the controversy among the Cherokees themselves. . . .

"What is to be done?" was a national inquiry, after we found that our efforts to obtain redress from the General Government, on the land of our fathers, had been to no avail.  The first rupture among ourselves was the moment we presumed to answer that question.  To a portion of the Cherokee people it early became evident that the interest of their countrymen, and the happiness of their posterity, depended upon an entire change of policy.  Instead of contending uselessly against superior power, the only course left, was, to yield to circumstances over which they had no control.

In all difficulties of this kind, between the United States and the Cherokees, the only mode of settling them has been treaties; consequently, when a portion of our people became convinced that no other measures would avail, they became the advocates of a treaty, as the only means to extricate the Cherokees from their perplexities - hence they were called the Treaty Party.  Those who maintained the old policy, were known as the Anti-Treaty Party.  At the head of the latter has been Mr. John Ross.

. . . he represents us as a small minority opposed to the will of the people - that we have ceded their lands without their authority, and against their expressed injunctions. - These are matters which concern the Cherokees themselves, the result of which must be left to posterity to judge. . . .

Without replying to these charges in this place, we will state what we suppose to be the great cause of our present difficulties - our present dissensions.  A want of proper information among the people.  We charge Mr. Ross with having deluded them with expectations incompatible with, and injurious to, their interest.  He has prevented the discussion of this interesting matter, by systematic measures, at a time when discussion was of the most vital importance.  By that means the people have been kept ignorant of their true condition.  They have been taught to feel and expect what could not be realized - and what Mr. Ross himself must have know would not be realized.  This great delusion has lasted to this day.

Elias Boudinot  [13]

 

 

 

To John Ross

Feby. 18, 1837

After the election had proceeded sometime Genl. Wool said he wished to make a Speech . . . J[esse] Bushyhead got up on a stump and interpreted; the Genl. Was on his horse.  The substance of his speech was that he had been sent here to see that the treaty should be faithfully executed that a treaty had been made which they would all have to remove by June 1838 that the President would make no alterations and if any person told them that there was no treaty they told him that which was not true and he did not wish to deceive them, that if they did not remove by the time stipulated by the Treaty, then the United States Troops would be used to compel their removal, he said the Country was a good Country, there was plenty of game there Buffaloes, Deer &c - and he wished them when they went home to make preparations for removal.  He also stated that there was Clothing on hand at that place also provisions, which they could get if they wanted any.  The speech was but short and did not seem to make much impression.  Some of the people remarked after the speech was concluded that when they wanted blankets, they generally bought them and others that they did not care about Shoes, that Shoes would blister their toes in walking.

. . . the General proposed to make White Path a present of a blanket he replied that he was now getting old and was then on foot had considerable baggage to carry, and did not wish to increase his load, and must decline the present. 

Lewis Ross [14]

 

 

 

 

HEAD QUARTERS, ARMY
CHEROKEE NATION, NEW ECHOTA, Ga. March 22nd, 1837.

CHEROKEES:

It is nearly a year since I first arrived in this country. I then informed you of the objects of my coming among you. I told you that a treaty had been made with your people, and that your country was to be given up to the United States by the 25th May, 1838, a (little more than a year from this time, when you would all be compelled to remove to the West. I also told you, if you would submit to the terms of the treaty I would protect you in your persons and property, at the same time I would furnish provisions and clothing to the poor and destitute of the Nation. You would not listen, but turned a deaf ear to my advice. You prefered the counsel of those who were opposed to the treaty. They told you, what was not true, that your people had made no treaty with the United States, and that you would be able to retain you lands, and would not be obliged to remove to the West, the place designated for your new homes. Be no longer deceived by such advice! It is not only untrue, but if listened to, may lead to your utter ruin. The President, as well as Congress, have decreed that you should remove from this country. The people of Georgia, of North Carolina, of Tennessee and of Alabama, have decreed it. Your fate is decided; and if you do not voluntarily get ready and go by the time fixed in the treaty, you will then be forced from this country by the soldiers of the United States.

Under such circumstances what will be your condition? Deplorable in the extreme! Instead of the benefits now presented to you by the treaty, of receiving pay for the improvements of your lands, your houses, your cornfields and your ferries, and for all the property unjustly taken from you by the white people, and at the same time, blankets, clothing and provisions for the poor, you will be driven from the country, and without a cent to support you on your arrival at your new homes. You will in vain flee to your mountains for protection. Like the Creeks, you will be hunted up and dragged from your lurking places and hurried to the West. I would ask, are you prepared for such scenes? I trust not. Yet such will be your fate if you persist in your present determination.

Cherokees: I have not come among you to oppress you, but to protect you and to see that justice is done you, as guarantied by the treaty. Be advised, and turn a deaf ear to those who would induce you to believe that no treaty has been made with you, and that you will not be obliged to leave your country. They cannot be friends, but the worst of enemies. Their advice, if followed, will lead to your certain destruction. The President has said that a treaty has been made with you, and must be executed agreeably to its terms. The President never changes.

Therefore, take my advice: It is the advice of a friend, who would tell you the truth, and who feels deeply interested in your welfare, and who will do every thing in his power to relieve, protect and secure to you the benefits of the treaty. And why not abandon a country no longer yours? Do you not see the white people daily coming into it, driving you from your homes and possessing your houses, your cornfields and your ferries? Hitherto I have been able to some degree, to protect you from their intrusions; in a short time it will no longer be in my power. If, however, I could protect you, you could not live with them. Your habits, your manners and your customs are unlike, and unsuited to theirs. They have no feelings, no sympathies in common with yourselves. Leave then this country, which after the 25th May 1838, can afford you no protection! and remove to the country designated for your new homes, which is secured to you and your children forever; and where you may live under your own laws, and the customs of your fathers, without intrusion or molestation from the white man. It is a country much better than the one you now occupy; where you can grow more corn, and where game is more abundant. Think seriously of what I say to you! Remember that you have but one summer more to plant corn in this country. Make the best use of this time, and dispose of your property to the best advantage. Go and settle with the Commissioners, and with the emigrating Agent, Gen. Smith, receive the money due for your improvements, your houses your cornfields and ferries, and for the property which has been unjustly taken from you by the whitemen, and at the appointed time be prepared to remove. In the mean time, if you will apply to me or my Agents, I will cause rations, blankets and clothing to be furnished to the poor and destitute of your people.

John E. Wool Brg. Genl. Comdg.  [15]

 

 

 

 

To a Gentleman of Philadelphia

May 6^th 1837

The agents of the United States seem to be aware that the Cherokee nation has never sanctioned this pretended treaty.  No sooner had it been hurried through the forms of ratification than they obtained a military force to overawe the Cherokees and to oppose every attempt to pursue a faithful and honest enquiry into the real facts of the case. 

On my return to my constituents, having been detained some time by business, I arrived at Athens, in Tennessee, where I met General Wool, the commander of the troops, who had actually reached our country before me.  The general expressed great satisfaction that I had come, and informed me that my presence had been much wanted, as he had already been in the valley towns, and found there a feeling so decidedly hostile to the treaty as to require the operation of the most powerful counteracting influences. 

General Wool dwelt on the impossibility of changing the determination of the president, and hoped that I would advise the people accordingly, and thus prevent such scenes as had taken place in Florida.  I assured him that I would pledge my life that the Cherokees would never assert their rights by bloodshed, but that I could not as an honest man advise their assent to a spurious treaty.

Some of the people were unable to understand why an army should be sent among us while we were at perfect peace, to enforce the stipulations of a treaty, which if even obligatory, was not to be executed for two years.

. . . a package was put into my hands, addressed on the envelope to me, and on the inside to the Cherokee people.  It was a notice from General Wool communicating in substance the determination of President Jackson that no alteration in the treaty would be made by him, and that its stipulations should be scrupulously fulfilled.

Jno Ross  [16]

 

 

 

 

 

 

George W. Featherstonhaugh –

July 23 [1837].--I arose at sunrise, and going on deck, found we were at Gunter's Landing, a collection of slightly-built, unpainted wooden stores, upon a high sandy bank, about thirty-five feet above the level of the river. Much rain had fallen in the night. We were now at the most southern bend of the Tennessee River, with the Cherokee country on our right. Various sandstone ridges were in sight. Fifteen miles further up, we stopped to take in wood, at the old Cherokee Coosawda village; and seeing a rude log house in a small clearing hemmed in by the woods, I walked up to it. Some peachtrees were around, with green fruit on them, growing in a fertile, sandy, micaceous loam. On entering the hut, I found a stout Cherokee Indian, stretched out at his full length on the ground, near a hideous-looking woman, seated upon her haunches, and an Indian girl, her daughter, depediculating her mamma's head.

She asked me civilly, and in good English, to sit down; but, being apprehensive of carrying some of the live stock away, I advanced no further than the door. They said there were a great many Indians within two miles of the place, but that the whites had got possession of the country, and they all expected to be driven out of it. At this time the brave and intelligent nation of Cherokees was in a very distressing position. For the sake of tranquillity, they had not only in various treaties with the United States surrendered, as the Creeks had before done, important portions of their territory to the state of Georgia, but had, upon the urgent recommendation of the whites, abandoned the savage life, had successfully entered upon agriculture, and universally adopted the Christian religion. A remarkable man, who had appeared amongst them, had invented alphabetical characters to express every separate sound in their language, and books of prayers, psalms and hymns, with the gospels, had been printed in these characters, in the familiar knowledge of which the whole Cherokee nation had been instructed. These poor people did more than possess the Christian religion; in the honest simplicity of their hearts, they endeavoured to live in conformity to its precepts, and were most exemplary in the performance of their religious duties.

In the treaties which the Government of the United States had made with them--the whole of which, on the part of the Cherokees, were treaties of cession--that Government always guaranteed to the Indians, in the most solemn form, that portion of their territory which was not ceded; so that they had the security for the performance of these treaties from the same people at whose instance they had embraced the Christian religion; a moral security, which national faith on the one side, and their own friendless condition on the other, invested with high responsibility. . . .

This state of things got at length to such a height, that it became evident the whites would never remain satisfied until they had wrested every acre of land from the hands of the rightful owners. The discovery, too, of several alluvial deposits of native gold in the Cherokee lands had removed the last moral restraint from the people of Georgia, who entered, without leave or license, upon the best possessions of the Indians.

At the time of my visit, the Cherokees were almost incensed to desperation; they were yet about 18,000 in number; were brave, and had leaders of great ability. An outbreak was therefore expected. The general Government, which was well informed of the oppression the Indians were suffering, were reduced to the apparent alternative, either of turning the national arms against the people of Georgia in defence of the Cherokees, or of leaving the Georgians to perpetrate every sort of wrong against the poor Indians they had solemnly agreed to protect. But another plan, and, perhaps, the one that was now most consistent with humanity, was adopted. A powerful draught of the militia of the state of Tennessee was called out, and these, aided with a few United States regular troops, proceeded to occupy the Cherokee country, for the purpose of preventing an insurrection of the Indians, and a collision betwixt them and the Georgians. The Cherokee leaders were also invited to cede the whole of their territory to the Georgians, for a consideration to be paid to them by the United States, which engaged to provide them with other lands west of the Mississippi.

The proposition to abandon their native country was abhorrent to the Cherokees, with the exception of a very small minority of them, that had been gained over by some subordinate chiefs, whom the agents of the United States Government had induced to enter into a contract to cede the whole territory to the Georgians, with a stipulation that the entire nation was to evacuate the country within a short period. In this contract, the legitimate chiefs, who alone were authorized to transact public business for the Cherokees, and who, in fact, constituted the Government of the nation, had had no part. They immediately protested strongly against it, and at least five-sixths of the nation adhered to them, under the advisement of a half-breed, named John Ross, a man who had received a good education amongst the whites, had fine talents, great experience, an inflexible character, and who possessed unbounded influence over his countrymen. It was now more obvious than ever that the Cherokees never would leave the country voluntarily, and that their affairs were nearly brought to a crisis.

Under all these circumstances, which had a great notoriety, I felt a warm interest for this much-wronged people, fully persuaded, however, that although justice was not to be expected, the United States Government would observe a merciful and humane conduct towards them. By landing at some point higher up the Tennessee River, I determined to avail myself of the opportunity of crossing the whole of the Cherokee territory, of examining its geology, and observing the real condition of a famous aboriginal race, with which Ferdinand de Soto communicated when, in 1539, he traversed that part of the American continent which extends from Tampa Bay, in East Florida, to the shores of Texas, in the Gulf of Mexico.

July 29.--The fatigue of the day made me sleep well, although on the floor, and at 4 A.M. we started again. As soon as we passed the boundary dividing the two States, into Georgia, we came upon shale and slate dipping to the S.E.; over this we rode fifteen miles, and then came upon limestone again. Lofty mountains were upon our left, appearing to form part of a chain bearing N.E. and S.W.

We met many parties of Cherokees of the lowest class going on foot to the great meeting. Some of them were very drunk and were accompanied by young women carrying their infants. Log huts now increased in number with clearings around them, surrounded by broken-down fences, and bearing evidence of slovenly farming. The white inhabitants were a tall, sallow, gawky-looking set, with manners of the coarsest kind; their children were all pale and unhealthy-looking, suffering, as the mothers told me, from bowel complaints, occasioned evidently by unwholesome food and filth. We passed several farms belonging to the principal Cherokees, containing fine patches of the sweet potato (Convolvulus Batata), maize and pulse of various kinds. Some of the Indian women spoke English, but generally they were shy, and in a few instances refused to answer me. I was not surprised at this at the present juncture. . . .

In the evening I ventured out to look at an ample and most pellucid spring in the vicinity, from whence the settlement takes its name. The water flowed copiously from seams in the limestone, which in its cavernous parts no doubt contained great bodies of it. Here I sat down upon a log; not a breath of air was stirring, and it was still too close and warm to walk with comfort. A Georgian, however, whom I found there, told me that he found it cool at this place compared with his residence in the low country. On my return to the village, I observed that almost every store in the place was a dram shop, and the evening's amusement of a great part of the population seemed to consist in going about from one to the other; and when they got what they call in this part of the country "high," which means red-hot drunk with whisky, they would go to the tavern and bully the people they found there.

July 30.--At 4 A.M. I got into the stage, the air being cool and agreeable, and for a long distance kept crossing alternate beds of limestone, strongly veined with white spar and shale. This continued to the Coosawattie River, or Coosa Wahtay, as the Indians call it. (Coosa is the Indian name of the Creek nation, and Wahtay means old.) This stream runs at the foot of a ridge of micaceous slate bearing N.N.E., being a continuation of the Unáykay chain. Here we stopped at an Indian tavern kept by a half-breed Cherokee of the name of Bell, one of the Indians opposed to John Ross and the majority of the nation. They had nothing but some filthy pieces of bad cake to give me made of Indian corn. Upon my asking a Cherokee woman who spoke English why they did not provide themselves with milk and butter, she said "it was too much trouble to keep cows." Everything about their house was dirty and disgusting, and I was glad to see the horses brought out. Just before I started, I learnt that from two to three hundred Creek Indians were hid away in the mountains, and were at this time suffering extremely for want of food. Their nation having been compelled to emigrate, these unfortunate beings had escaped and taken refuge in these hills. A Creek interpreter, accompanied by an United States officer, rode up to acquire information respecting them, with the intention of bringing a party to surround them and force them away to Arkansa.

July 31.--Having slept comfortably, we resumed our journey at 4 A.M. I was informed that gold-dust was found near this place, and gold-veins worked a few miles off; so that, as I suspected from the prevalence of the talcose slate, I was now in the Gold Region. We passed a tolerable good-looking house belonging to a half-breed named Robert Daniel, whose drunken son, the driver told me, it was whom I saw at Spring Place with his eye almost stamped out by his horse. I got a miserable breakfast at one Field's, a Georgian. The people about were tall, thin, cadaverous-looking animals, looking as melancholy and lazy as boiled cod-fish, and when they dragged themselves about, formed a striking contrast to some of the swarthy, athletic-looking Cherokees. This, no doubt, is to be attributed to their wretched diet and manner of life; for the better class of Georgians, who lead more generous lives, contains many fine-looking individuals. What these long parsnip-looking country fellows seem to enjoy most is political disputation in the bar-room of their filthy taverns, exhibiting much bitterness against each other in supporting the respective candidates of the Union and State-rights parties which divide the State, and this without seeming to have the slightest information respecting the principles of either. Execration and vociferation, and "Well, I'm for Jackson, by --!" were the nearest approach to logic ever made in my presence. Their miserable attempts at farming, when compared with the energy, foresight, and neatness of the people of the Northern States, are as absurd as they are ridiculous; indeed, it is quite distressing to see the most numerous class in the community condemned by their ignorance to be the slaves of those demagogues, who with their eternal elections encourage them in these tavern-haunting habits, which bring nothing but misery and ruin upon themselves and their families, generation after generation.

August 4.--This morning, whilst we were at breakfast, a company of Georgia Mounted Volunteers rode through the place on their way to the Cherokee Council. All had their coats off with their muskets and cartouch-boxes strung across their shoulders. Some of the men had straw hats, some of them white felt hats, others had old black hats on with the rim torn off, and all of them were as unshaven and as dirty as they could well be. The officers were only distinguished by having Cherokee fringed hunting shirts on. Many of the men were stout young fellows, and they rode on, talking, and cursing and swearing, without any kind of discipline. Upon the whole it was a picturesque sight, and brought to my recollection the descriptions of the condottieri of ancient times.

Having engaged the stage to take us to Red Clay, we left Spring Place at 8 A.M., passing for twenty-five miles through a wild country with a rolling surface, pleasingly wooded, and sufficiently open to admit of the growth of various beautiful flowers. We crossed the Connesawga, which is a beautiful mountain stream, and were frequently gratified with the sight of fine fat deer bounding across the narrow wood road with their magnificent antlers. The quail, too, were numerous, and the young birds large. The soil being derived from the lower Silurian limestone is very fertile, and certainly I never saw heavier Indian corn than in two or three settlements that we passed, especially at one Young's, about fifteen miles from Spring Place. . . .

Hearing that a half-breed Cherokee named Hicks, whom I had formerly known, had put up some huts for the accommodation of strangers, we found him out, and he assigned us a hut to ourselves, the floor of which was strewed with nice dry pine leaves. It contained also two rude bedsteads, with pine branches as a substitute for beds, and some bed-clothes of a strange fashion, but which were tolerably clean. Chairs we had none; and our first care was to get a sort of table carpentered up, and to place it in such a position that we could use our bedsteads for chairs when we wrote. Our log hut had been so hastily run up that it had neither a door, nor bore evidence of an intention to add one to it, and its walls were formed of logs with interstices of at least six inches between them, so that we not only had the advantage of seeing every thing that was going on out of doors, but of gratifying every body outside who was desirous of seeing what was done within our hut, especially the Indians, who appeared extremely curious.

Having refreshed ourselves with a cup of tea, we walked out with General Smith, the Indian agent for the United States, to see the Council-house. Crossing the Cóoayhállay, we soon found ourselves in an irregular sort of street consisting of huts, booths and stores hastily constructed from the trees of the forest, for the accommodation of Cherokee families, and for the cooking establishments necessary to the subsistence of several thousand Indians. This street was at the foot of some hilly ground upon which the Council-room was built, which was a simple parallelogram formed of logs with open sides, and benches inside for the councillors. The situation was exceedingly well chosen in every respect, for there was a copious limestone spring on the bank of the stream, which gave out a delicious cool water in sufficient quantities for this great multitude. What contributed to make the situation extremely picturesque, was the great number of beautiful trees growing in every direction, the underwood having been most judiciously cut away to enable the Indians to move freely through the forest, and to tie their horses to the trees. Nothing more Arcadian could be conceived than the picture which was presented; but the most impressive feature, and that which imparted life to the whole, was an unceasing current of Cherokee Indians, men, women, youths, and children, moving about in every direction, and in the greatest order; and all, except the younger ones, preserving a grave and thoughtful demeanour imposed upon them by the singular position in which they were placed, and by the trying alternative now presented to them of delivering up their native country to their oppressors, or perishing in a vain resistance.

An observer could not but sympathize deeply with them; they were not to be confounded with the wild savages of the West, being decently dressed after the manner of white people, with shirts, trousers, shoes and stockings, whilst the half-breeds and their descendants conformed in every thing to the custom of the whites, spoke as good English as them, and differed from them only in a browner complexion, and in being less vicious and more sober. The pure bloods had red and blue cotton handkerchiefs folded on their heads in the manner of turbans, and some of these, who were mountaineers from the elevated districts of North Carolina wore also deer-skin leggings and embroidered hunting shirts; whilst their turbans, their dark coarse, lank hair, their listless savage gait, and their swarthy Tartar countenances, reminded me of the Arabs from Barbary. Many of these men were athletic and good-looking; but the women who had passed from the maidenly age, had, owing to the hard labour imposed upon them by Indian usages, lost as usual every feminine attraction, so that in my walk I did not see one upon whom I had any desire to look a second time. In the course of the evening, I attended at the Council-house to hear some of their resolutions read by an English missionary, named Jones, who adhered to the Cherokees; a man of talent, it was said, and of great activity, but who was detested by the Georgians. These were afterwards translated,vivâ voce, into Cherokee by Bushy-head, one of the principal half-breed Cherokees. A most refreshing rain fell in the evening, and about 8 P.M., somewhat fatigued with the adventures of the day, I retired to our hut, from whence, through the interstices of the logs, I saw the fires of the Cherokees, who bivouacked in the woods, gleaming in every direction; and long after I laid down, the voices of hundreds of the most pious amongst them who had assembled at the Council-house to perform their evening worship, came pealing in hymns through the now quiet forest, and insensibly and gratefully lulled me to sleep.

August 5.--The voices of the Cherokees already at morning worship awoke me at the dawn of day, and dressing myself hastily, I went to the Council-house. Great numbers of them were assembled, and Mr. Jones, the Missionary, read out verses in the English language from the New Testament, which Bushy-head, with a singularly stentorial voice and sonorous accent, immediately rendered to the people in the Cherokee tongue, emitting a deep grunting sound at the end of every verse, resembling the hard breathing of a man chopping trees down, the meaning of which I was given to understand was to call their attention to the proposition conveyed by the passage. This I was told is an universal practice also in Cherokee oratory. When they sang, a line or two of a hymn printed in the Cherokee language was given out, each one having a hymn book in his hand, and I certainly never saw any congregation engaged more apparently in sincere devotion. This spectacle insensibly led me into reflection upon the opinion which is so generally entertained of its being impossible to civilize the Indians in our sense of the word. Here is a remarkable instance which seems to furnish a conclusive answer to scepticism on this point. A whole Indian nation abandons the pagan practices of their ancestors, adopts the Christian religion, uses books printed in their own language, submits to the government of their elders, builds houses and temples of worship, relies upon agriculture for their support, and produces men of great ability to rule over them, and to whom they give a willing obedience. Are not these the great principles of civilization? They are driven from their religious and social state then, not because they cannot be civilized, but because a pseudo set of civilized beings, who are too strong for them, want their possessions! What a bitter reflection it will be to the religiously disposed portion of the people, who shall hereafter live here, that the country they will be so proud of and so blest in was torn from the Aboriginals in this wrongful manner. God be thanked, that in acquiring the dominion of India, Great Britain protects and blesses the people whose country owns her sway!

After breakfast I made myself acquainted with Mr. Jones, the Missionary, whom I found to be a man of sense and experience, and who must have received a tolerable education, for he was not even ignorant of Hebrew. He was exceedingly devoted to this nation, having resided a long time amongst them in the mountainous region of North Carolina. The Georgians, and I found most of the other white settlers had a decided antipathy to him on account of the advice he gave to the Cherokees, which had frequently enabled them to baffle the machinations of the persons who were plotting to get their lands. Conscious that he was watched by his enemies, he had become so suspicious of all white men, that from habit he had got a peculiar sinister look. We had a great deal of conversation together, and when he found I was an Englishman, and deeply interested for the welfare of the Indians, and extremely anxious to acquire the Cherokee language, he became less reserved, and I obtained a great deal of information from him. I also formed an acquaintance with several intelligent Cherokees and half-breeds, for the purpose of collecting vocabularies and acquiring the pronunciation of their language.

About 10 A.M., a deputation, consisting of members of the Cherokee Council, and some aged persons, formerly chiefs of some celebrity, came in procession to our hut, to pay a visit of ceremony to my companion, the United States special agent; but he being at Colonel Lindsay's, I received them in his stead, gave them seats on our bedsteads, and immediately sent a messenger for him, who soon after arrived with Colonel Lindsay and a military escort. An ancient chief, named Innatáhoolósah, or the Going Snake, addressed him, and complimented him upon his arrival. This old warrior had led a large body of his people in former times to assist General Jackson against the Creeks, and contributed much to the victory he obtained over them at the battle of the Horse Shoe, where he received a wound in the arm. He was a fine old man, with a good deal of Indian dignity. Nothing appears to have stung the Cherokees more deeply than the reflection, that after serving General Jackson so effectually, it should have been under his administration of the Government, from which they had so much right to expect protection, that their independence had been broken down, and their territories appropriated without their consent. There was also another old chief remarkably cheerful and light of step, although seventy-six years old, called Nennenóh Oonáykay, or White Path. After an interchange of compliments they retired. This day we dined by invitation with Mrs. Walker, a fine old Cherokee lady, who spoke a little English; and met John Ross, the principal chief of the Cherokees. Our hostess received us in a very polite and friendly manner. The dinner was good, we had boiled beef, chickens and bacon, with excellent vegetables. Coffee was served with the dinner, and we retired as soon as it was over, according to the custom. Large wooden bowls of connaháyny, or Indian corn boiled almost to a purée, with a small quantity of ley in it, were placed on the table. This is a favourite dish with the Cherokees, and I observed the young people ate it with great avidity; indeed, when mixed up with the broth of the boiled beef, it makes a capital soup; something like peas-soup.

The expense of feeding this multitude, which was defrayed by the council, was very great. Fifteen beeves were said to be killed every day, and a proportionate quantity of Indian corn used. Twenty-four native families were employed in cooking the provisions and serving the tables which were set out three times a-day. The beef was cut up into small pieces of three or four inches square, and kept stewing for several hours in large pots. The broth of this mess, without the meat, was the first dish offered to us at the excellent Mrs. Walker's, but when it was handed to me I found it was nothing but a mass of melted fat, the surface of which was oscillating about like quicksilver, and I had to send it away at the risk of giving offence.

August 7.--This was the day appointed for the delivery of the "Talk" or public address of Mr. Mason, the special agent, which was expected with great anxiety, and which Mr. Mason had been much occupied in the composition of. After breakfast, Foreman, the interpreter, came to the hut, and Mr. Mason gave him the "Talk" to study; he appeared to be a very intelligent man, and perfectly well acquainted with the English tongue. He told us some amusing anecdotes of an agent, named Schermerhorn, who had been appointed by the United States Government a year or two ago, as a commissioner to negotiate with the Cherokees. This man was a sort of loose Dutch Presbyterian Minister, and having taken up the calling of a political demagogue, had been rewarded with this situation by the President, Mr. Van Buren, a Dutchman also by birth. On coming amongst the Cherokees, instead of dealing fairly with them, and making an arrangement with the Council that could be sanctioned by a majority of the nation, he corrupted a few individuals to consent to emigrate, and deliver up the Cherokee territory; and reported it to the Government as if it had been a solemn contract entered into with the whole nation. The Reverend agent, also, being of amorous turn had been detected tampering with some of the young Cherokee women, so that he came to be an object of detestation to the Indians, who took every opportunity to affront him. Not more than half-a-dozen in the whole nation would speak to him at all; and whenever the rest of them met him, they made a point of turning round and presenting their backs to him. But this was not all the mortification his evils deeds brought upon him.

It is the custom of most of the Indian nations to give an Indian name to every white man who has any transactions with them of importance, or who has struck their fancy in any way. If the proper name of the individual corresponds in sound with any term in their language, they simply translate it. On the other hand, if they can find no equivalent in their own tongue, they look for words, which sound like the name they are unable to translate, and if those words are at all appropriate to the individual, whether in his appearance, his habits and customs, or character, they use them to form his Indian name. In doing this, they are remarkably skilful, and are as prompt and happy as the best improvisatori are in Italy. The name the Cherokees gave to me is an instance of this. It was found impossible to translate the word Featherstonhaugh, but one of their poets suggested that my Cherokee name should be Oóstanaúlee, which means "gravel or shingle brought down by floods." Having observed me frequently poking and hammering about in beds of gravel, the word which sounded something like my name, admirably answered the purpose. For the Rev. Mr. Schermerhorn, they had been so fortunate as to find a name that corresponded precisely to their estimate of him, and which was immediately adopted by the whole nation, especially the women and children, who were extremely tickled with it. It was Skáynooyáunah, or literally the "devil's horn." After I knew this story, I found it was only necessary to ask the women if they knew Skáynooyáunah to set them laughing.

August 7.--The rain had been falling incessantly for thirty hours, and our hut being roofed with nothing but pine branches gave us very little protection; the bedclothes were wet through, and we were thoroughly nonplussed what to do. It was impossible to remain long in this state without becoming sick. The Indians, at the numerous bivouacs were all wet through, and apprehensions were beginning to be entertained by the Council, that a serious sickness might fall upon them if they were detained twenty-four hours more in the uncomfortable state they were in. The chiefs, therefore, were desirous that Mr. Mason should deliver his "Talk" immediately; but that gentleman, supposing the "Talk" would be deferred, was gone to Colonel Lindsay's for shelter. Mr. Ross therefore called upon me, and drew such a picture of the consequences that might ensue, that I wrote to Mr. Mason, and sent the note with a messenger. In this note, I related what Mr. Ross had said, and submitted to him, as the day had been appointed for the purpose, the propriety of being punctual, as want of punctuality would give the chiefs an opportunity of dismissing the nation and laying the blame upon him. The messenger returned about 3 P.M. with information to Mr. Ross that he might assemble the nation. Accordingly, horns were blown and public criers went into the woods to summon all the males to the Council-house; but recommending to the women and children to remain at their fires. Every one was now in motion, notwithstanding that the rain continued to fall in torrents.

At 4 P.M., Mr. Ross conducted Mr. Mason, Colonel Lindsay, Colonel Smith, and myself, into a stand erected near the Council-house, open at the sides, and from whence we could view an assemblage of about two thousand male Cherokees standing in the rain awaiting the "Talk" that was to be delivered. The special agent now advanced to the front of the stand, and read his address which was translated to them by the interpreter; after which, Mr. Gunter addressed them, requesting them to remain until the Council had taken the "Talk" into consideration, and informing them that plenty of provisions would continue to be provided for them, upon which they gave him a hearty grunt and dispersed. The scene was an imposing one; the Cherokees were attentive and behaved very well, but it was evident the "Talk" made no impression upon them. If the special agent had declared, in the name of his Government, that the Cherokee nation should continue to enjoy their native land, it would have been most enthusiastically received; but anything short of that was a proof to them that there was no hope left for justice from the whites, nor any resource for them but in the wisdom of their National Council. The "Talk" itself was full of friendly professions towards the nation, and dwelt upon the advantages it would derive from a peaceful compliance with the policy of the Government; but there was a passage in it which showed that the United States Government were determined to enforce the treaty which the minority had made with the Government, and even insinuated that the resistance to it was factious. This gave offence, and even Mr. Ross objected to it. . . . [17]

 

 

To John Mason, Jr.

December 6^th 1837

The annunciation by you that the government of the United States will insist upon the terms of the (so called) treaty of December 1835, and that the Cherokees must in all events remove to the lands set apart for them in the West, has filled us with the most profound sorrow. . . . If this be the only basis which will be recognized in any future negotiations we have nothing to do but patiently submit ourselves to the horrible fate with which we are menaced . . . that we are to be driven by force if necessary from our homes, our hearths, our lands our Country fills to overflowing our cup of bitterness.

Jno Ross  [18]

 

 

General Wool –

The whole scene since I have been in this country has been nothing but a heartrendering one, and such a one as I would be glad to get rid of as soon as circumstances will permit.  If I could . . . I would remove every Indian tomorrow beyond the reach of the white men, who, like vultures, are watching, ready to pounce upon their prey and strip them of everything they have or expect from the government of the United States.  Yes, Sir, nineteen-twentieths, if not ninety-nine our of every hundred, will go penniless to the West.  [19]