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26. Not One Foot More

 

 

 

 

If constant pressure from the federal and state governments for more land and/or removal divided the Cherokees, it also served to coalesce and strengthen the resolve of the vast majority who opposed both.  They proceeded to form a constitutional government patterned on that of the United States which would represent the entire nation in all future negotiations.

 

 

 

Cherokee delegation to John Calhoun –

February 5, 1819       

 . . .  our manners and customs are rapidly assimilating to those of our white Brothers and Sisters who surround us, and we fondly look forward to the time when we shall see those dark cloud of superstition and ignorance vanish from among us.  It is to the want of education and not to a defect in nature to which must ascribe nearly all of our evils.  Natural man is in every country and in every age nearly the same.  It is to the Lights of education to which every nation owes their distinction, excepting in Color.  It is a degradation to the American character to say that her natural Sons are incapable of improvement.  [1]

 

Calhoun to Return J. Meigs –

April 20, 1820

. . . the employment of the Indian Light Horse company, as suggested, instead of a detachment of the United States troops for the purpose of removing refractory intruders would operate advantageously by preventing the return of intruders as they will know this force is always at hand to execute your orders . . . saving the government the inconvenience and expense of marching troops.  [2]

 

Abraham Steiner to Calhoun –

April 26, 1820

I cannot express the astonishment and delight I felt in observing the progress of civilization in that country. . . . The well-cultivated plantations here and there do credit to their industry, judgment and arrangements. . . . All seem intent to have among them more and more of the benefits of civilization. . . . The English language is also beginning to prevail and will soon predominate. . . .

The Cherokees are the most advanced in civilization of any of the Indian tribes without exception. . . . The United States are now in a fair way of successful experiment that Indians can be civilized.  [3]

 

Calhoun to Meigs –

April 30,1820

My own opinion is that so long as the United States continues to furnish them with articles for manufacturing and agricultural purposes, the Indians will make no effort to procure them themselves. . . . they will do nothing for their own accommodation and support.  [4]

 

Meigs to Calhoun –

May 3, 1820

It is time that they should, like white people, depend on their own exertions.  They have good land, a mild climate; they have now attained a competent knowledge of agriculture, of household manufactures by the aid of Government; as herdsmen, they raise large stocks of all the valuable kinds of domestic animals and without labor.  [5]

 

 

To Andrew Jackson

Rossville Cherokee Nation June 19th 1820

. . . On the 17th inst. The Detachment was ordered out on duty under my command.  The first object presented itself was a place occupied by a man (Atikson) who had officially threatened opposition to Mr. Williams, the Sub-Agent. . . . On our arrival to the spot, it was found evacuated.  The crop was ordered to be destroyed.  Whilst executing this order, Atkinson came across the river with his wife & family to defend it, not by the force of powder & lead, but by the shedding of tears, this unexpected weapon of defense had more effect on the minds of the men, than if he had resorted to the measures threatened in his letter to Mr. Williams.  His conviction of error & pitiful acknowledgement &c &c induced me to permit him to recross the river to the whiteside unmolested with a few sheep & geese - his crop was all destroyed. 

Jno Ross  [6]

 

 

Brainerd Journal

Nov. 1st, 1820

 

They have also divided their country into eight districts or counties, laid a tax on the people to build a court house in each of these counties & appointed four circuit Judges.  The Cherokees are rapidly adopting the laws and manners of the whites.  [7]

 

 

Calhoun to Meigs –

November 14, 1820

. . . the Department in directing the employment of the Cherokee Light horse that it was conferring upon the nation an essential favor because it implied that they were no longer dependent upon the troops of the United States to protect them. . . . [8]

 

Charles Hicks -

1820

. . . the art of making the spinning wheel and loom has been acquired by five or six Cherokees and some have learned enough coopering so that they are making water vessels out of wood.  Besides, there are six or seven others who work at the blacksmith's trade . . . repairing the plough, axe, the gun, and shoeing horses.  [9]

 

Meigs to Calhoun –

May 17, 1822

The Chief says the intruders had added to intrusion the killing of their domestic live stocks and in one instance they had turned one of their best men off his plantation and now occupy it themselves. 

Twenty regular troops having orders and commanded by a Good subaltern officer would be respected by the intruders when two hundred indians would be driven home with loss.  Blood would probably be shed on both sides and the attempt would be abortive. [10]

 

Megis to Calhoun –

November 22, 1822

Their declaration not to meet with the Commissioners is little short of a declaration of independence which they never lose sight of.  . . . such a declaration is disrespectful to the United States Commissioners and to the Government. 

Their Government is an aristocracy consisting of about 100 men called Chiefs and those Chiefs are controlled perhaps by twenty speculating individuals. 

If they persist in their intransigence the citizens of Tennessee, Georgia and Alabama would hardly be restrained long from taking possession of their respective claims.  [11]

 

 

Cherokee Agency 20th of January 1823


To the Cheifs Hedmen & Warriors of the Cherokee Nation


Friends and Brothers

You have been Informed some time since that Commissioners had been appointed for the purpose of meeting you at this place on the fifteenth day of this month: We the undersigned met according to appointment & have been in waiting for five days Two of us derive our authority from our father the President of the United States and the other two from the Governor of the State of Georgia. We all have been commissioned and sent here for the purformance of important duties. It is the custom of many nations to transact their business by Agents. This is the case with the United States and State of Georgia. We understand that your Custom is different and that when any publick matter is presented to you that you consider it necessary that your Convention should be General. We assembled at this place therefore under the full expectation that we shall be met in a punctual and friendly manner by at least a majority of the Chiefs Headmen and Warriors of the Cherokee Nation.

The reasons of your declining to meet are in part known to us. In any light in which we can view these reasons we consider them insufficient. All nations which are at peace with each other find it necessary and of advantage to regulate their intercourse by treaties and compacts to which both are parties. If it were not for this such intercourse could not long exist neither could peace be preserved. We know of no instance of Powers at peace with each other refusing to meet for the purpose of treating. The United States and the Cherokee Nation are at peace and they acknowledge the same father the President. It becomes the duty and it ought to be the pleasure of all the Children of this common father. To conform to his wishes. And to obey his commands. his wishes and his commands will both be set asid and treated with contempt by a perservereance in the Course which has been adopted by the Nation. Friends & Brothers you say you will not meet the Commissioners because you say you have no land to spare and will not sell one foot more. How is it known to you that this is the object of our mission and that we came for nothing else. We assure you that other matters are intrusted to our charge and that we cannot consent for them to be defeated by your failure to meet us. As respects ourselves we have no particular in what we have to lay before you; but acting under the authority of higher powers we must not leave here without doing something definite and final. Meeting us is one thing and  entering into a treaty is another. To meet us we consider an absolute duty and to make a treaty will depend upon after considerations when you have heared what we have to say. We have to give an account of our actings and doings to our father the President. He would be hurt and would have a right to think very strange of the Conduct of his children if he were told that they would not meet and give to each other the right hand of friendship when he requested them to do so. And had made every provision for their support and comfort. This must not be the case -- It is true we are anxious to proceed quickly and close the business which we were sent to do. But our convenience is not to be attended to by ourselves. We are in the service of the United States and State of Georgia and must attend to their requests and rights to prevent the mischief which might follow neglect. Friends and Brothers we rejoice in your prosperity and happiness and acting in the name of our father we should be far from insisting on measures which would weaken our friendship or lessen your means of enjoyment and comfort.

We are assembled at this Agency where everything is in readiness to receive you. We shall remain here under the full expectation of a general convention with as little delay as possible.

In behalf of the President our father we assure you of his desire for your welfare and as individuals acting as his agents we join him most heartily in his good wishes


With sentiments of esteem and respect We are your friends & Brothers
 

Duncan G Campbell
James Meriwether United States Commissioners

Thomas Glascock
James Blair Georgia Commissioners  [12]

 

 

Cherokee Agency 21st Jany. 1823


His Excellency Govenor Clark


Sir

Well knowing the great interest you feel in the success of our missions, determines us to address you, with the view of communicating our proceedings up to this date, together with the prospects before us.

We arrived here on the 15th Instant and found as we anticipated and apprehended; none of the Chiefs or Headmen of the Nation Assembled. We concluded however (well Knowing the slowness of their movements) to wait with patience a few days with the expectation that we should have some of them to meet us, or at least that we would be informed through some one of their Agents or friends before this time of their intended views towards us. In these expectations we have somewhat to our surprise, and mortification, been disappointed, not one of them having Yet arrived and not a Syllable having yet been received from them. We therefore concluded on Yesterday that a longer delay was unnecessary & determined to Unite with the United States commissioners in a joint and spirited address to the Headmen and Chiefs of the Nation, urging the important necessity of their immediately assembling at this place, as required to do by their Father the President of the United States, in order that they may be informed of our motives, and to listen to what we have to say to them. This address has been prepared and copies forwarded by express to the Headmen of the principal Towns and we have now to wait their reply. A copy of this address is herewith enclosed for your inspection

We take a pleasure in saying to you that we find the agent at this place Colo. R.J. Miegs extremely polite and friendly to our views, and should an assemblage of the Chiefs be effected we have every reason to believe he will be of considerable Service in the promotion of the object contemplated by our Mission: We must now be permitted to say to you, that notwithstanding the present gloomy aspects of success, we do not entirely despair, but hope the friendly exertions of the United States Commissioners united with our own will yet enable us, to effect something beneficial to the interest of Georgia

We shall avail ourselves of every favorable opportunity to communicate to you any important or interesting matter that may transpire while we remain at this place.


We have the honor to be with sentiments of respect and esteem your obedient servts 

Thomas Glascock
James Blair  [13]

 

 

 

His Excellency
John Clark
Milledgville
Georgia

 

Cherokee Agency 29th January 1823
Dear Sir/

It becomes our painful duty, to apprise you of the death of Colo. R. J. Meigs, the Agent of this Nation, who expired on Yesterday morning at 8 O'Clock, after an illness of Eight days. What effect this unfortunate occurrence is to have upon our mission, is yet to be determined. It is to be apprehended however, that it will at least furnish a pretext to the Chiefs for tardy movements, tho' should such a pretext be offered or attempted by them, every exertion shall be used on our part to counteract it as far as possible. It is a source of much regret to us, that none of the head men of the Nation have yet assembled, But we have reasons to believe from information received since our Address reached them, that they have held a Council, and Selected several of their principal men to meet us in a few days, in the event of their doing so, We still anticipate the pleasure, of effecting the objects contemplated by our respective missions. The most prompt and decisive measures will be resorted to, should they not meet us in the course of this week


We have the honor to be with sentiments of respect and Esteem your Friends & Obedt. Servts 

 Thomas Glascock
James Blair  [14]

 

 

 

Journal of the Cherokee Commissioners

 

Tuesday morning 10th Feby 1823

The board met pursuant to adjornment and was informed by the United States commissioners through their Secretary Mr Hay that they would adjorn on to morrow morning to meet again on the 9th day of August next at Talonie

A letter was then addressed and forwarded to His Excellency the Governor of which the following is a Copy



Cherokee Agency 10th Feby 1823
Dear Sir,

It is with no little degree of regreat we now communicate to you our : intire failure in effecting a treaty at this time. Every exertion on our part united with the strenuous and active exertions of the United States commissioners have proved unavailing and a meeting of the cheifs cannot now be effected. Many difficulties have presented themselves since our arrival here and seem to operate at least as temporary barriers to a Negotiation at this time. the most formidable of which is their orders in council passed at Newtown on the 23rd day of October last at which time & place it was unanimously resolved that no additional territory would be disposed of and that a meeting for that purpose would not be acquiesced in One of our particular objects therefore on our arrival here was to effect if possible a revocation of these orders. We have recently learned however from two of the leading men of the Nation (Ridge and Hicks) that this cannot be done unless by a general convention of the National Committee and Council and that on their assemblage they would feel it their duty to convene the whole Nation These Statements may be made as mere pretexts to prevent their meeting. Be this as it may it is evident from numerous causes, that they have determined not to meet us at this time & place Upon a full and satisfactory ascertainment of this fact we have determined after mature deliberation that it would be proper to fix upon some subsequent period and some other place contiguous to Georgia and demand of them a punctual attendance. This will enable them (if they think proper) to convoke the whole nation and to repeal their rash and intemperate orders in council which they seem to dwell so much upon and think act as a preventative to their conveining in any short time. A spirited address is already prepared by the Commissioners on the part of the United States to the Cheifs of the Nation apprising them of the time when and the place where they again intend meeting and insisting that it is a duty which they owe the general Government as well as their own Nation to attend and the consequences that may result in the event of a failure. This address will be immediately forwarded and we have every reason to believe it will have the desired effect.

Relative to the demands which our Citizens have against this Nation of Indians some of the Cheifs have taken up an idea that a treaty at Tellico in 1778 completely absolves them from all obligations they were under to the State of Georgia by any previous treaties. These impressions have been

made upon their minds by some disigning Men from an erroneous if not a wilfull misconstruction of the 9th article of that treaty. It is to be apprehended there will be some little difficulty in removing these impressions tho we confidently hope it can be done and our claims established and adjusted in a general convention as but a few of the Cheifs have any knowledge of the treaty at Augusta. The time fixed upon for the meeting is on the 9th day of August next Tallonie immediately on the federal road and district about fifty Miles from chatahoochie -- We cannot conclude without assuring you that we feel a Concientious pride that every exertion has been used by us to effect at this time the important and desirable objects with which we were intrusted and none can regret more than ourselves the failure we have met with. We conceive however or at least fondly hope that we have in Unison with the United States commissioners prescribed and marked out the course that will ultimately insure success -- A copy of our proceedings will be forwarded you immediately on our return by which you will discover the course we have pursued since our Arrival here which we hope will be approbated by yourself


We have the honor to be your
Obedient Servant

Thomas Glascock
James Blair

 

N.B. A copy of the address has been politely furnished us by the commissioners on the part of the United State sand is herewith enclosed for your perusal.

The Board then adjorned to 8 OClock to Morrow morning

The board met pursuant to adjornment and after a full examination of the Journal. Adjorned to meet at Tallonieon the 9th day of August next. [15]

 

 

 

Duncan Campbell to Calhoun –

February 28,1823

They plume themselves upon the fact of having organized a government of their own and consider a further sale of land as endangering its perpetuity.  There is too much truth in their arguments to be easily combatted, and so long as they are recognized as having equal share in the contractual agreements, negotiations will be difficult.  [16]

 

 

Duncan G. Campbell
James Meriwether United States Commissioners

 

Near Fortville, Cherokee Nation April 25th. 1823
2nd Council Convened


Friends & Brothers,

The undersigned chiefs in behalf of the Cherokee Nation convened in council for the purpose of taking into consideration your communication of the 10th February last urging the repeal of the Resolutions of October 1822. So that a convention may take place at Taloney on the 9th August next for the purpose of entering into various topics of negotiation with you as United States commissioners. -- We have therefore maturely considered the subject contained in your several communications to our Head Chief, Mr. Charles R. Hicks and to the nation. -- Brothers, It is with deep regret we have noticed the feeling with which you have expressed your sentiments towards the Resolutions of October 1822. and the course which have been pursued by the nation in not meeting you at the Agency in January last; and this strict adhereance to those Resolutions -- you have thought proper to denounce those resolutions as being premature, disrespectful and of dangerous tendency. Brothers; Surely you could not have read those resolutions with attention, or otherwise you could not with due reflection have asserted what has been declared by the committee and council as emanating from mature deliberation, to be premature. Brothers, We declare in behalf of the nation and ourselves, that those Resolutions were adopted from just and proper motives, being actuated from an impulse of preserving and promoting the true interest and happiness of the Cherokee People, and that no disrespect or contempt to the general Government or to her commissioners are offered or intended. So far is it from any such intention, that the concluding part of the general Resolution observes "but on any other business not relating to making a Treaty of cession we will at all times during the Session of the National Council at New Town receive the United States Commissioners or agents with friendship and cordiality, and will even keep bright the chain of peace and friendship which links the Cherokee Nation and the Government of the United States," Such are the sentiments which you have so strongly protested against, as being premature, disrespectful, and of dangerous tendency, and so desirous that the chiefs should repeal so that a convention may take place on the 9th August next at Taloney, and the difficulties and breach which has taken place, between the President and his favorite Indian children may be healed."

If these your expressions, flow from deliberate reflections and be your real construction of the Sentiments which we have quoted from the aforesaid Resolution -- We are really at a loss how you could suppose that we could ever agree with your ideas, how to promote the welfare and happiness of the Cherokees, when your object is to obtain their lands, and to seek compensation for things which have long since been solemnly adjusted by a Treaty and forgotten. -- Brothers, in adhering to our Resolutions we neither offer disrespect, contempt or refused to receive Ministers or commissioners of the U. States -- during the sitting of the council which adopted this general Resolution, a communication, accompanying a copy of the Resolution was forwarded by the Chiefs in Council, to the Honorable Secretary of War and a letter was also written to the then agent Colo. Meigs, informing him of the course adopted by the council and requesting him to communicate the same to the U States commissioners in his correspondence with them, So that they may not be dissappointed in coming forward to call a Treaty, and that the United States may be saved the useless expences of making necessary preparations and of procuring supplies for a Treaty &c. All this was done in October 1822 a considerable time previous to your fixing the time for a meeting and to entering into a contract for supplies &c under these circumstances you came forward and the "failure, exposure expense and trouble" which you complain of, occured -- all these occurences may be attributed, as we suppose, to the very little confidence and respect you had for the proceedings of our council -- Brothers, To avoid similar occurences, we now declare to you that the Resolution of Council emanated from due regard to the interest, happiness, and prosperity, of the Cherokee People and that its adoption was founded upon mature deliberation and that it will be strictly observed and cannot be repealed -- and further -- that we do hereby solemnly protest before God & man against the nation meeting you at Taloney on the 9th August next as you have suggested -- We have but one seat for our General Council, which is at New Town, and should you come forward during our next General Council at that place, the Committee & Council will take you by the hand as Friends & Brothers and hear what you have to say on the subject of your mission.  [17]

 

 

Brainerd Journal

May 7th, 1823

This afternoon the old king (Path killer) came to make us another visit.  He soon enquired for John Arch to interpret – He was out on business but came in at evening – After supper the king related with apparent reserve, some of the decisions of the late council against disposing of their land – but in a little time he became quite open, and told us plainly that he was afraid of the white people; and distressed for his children (meaning the people of his nation)  He desired to live here while he lived, but as he had but little time to stay, it was not much matter on his own account, but he was night and day grieved for his children that he should leave behind, lest the white people would give them no place to live, and they would be driven from the earth.  [18]

 

 

Copy of a Correspondence between Commissioners on the part of the United States; and the Council of the Cherokee Nation

Cherokee Nation --


Newtown 4th Octr. 1823

The commissioners on the part of the United States commissioned to hold a treaty with the Cherokee Nation of Indians arrived at this place, where they found the National council in Session. The Board organized but found it impracticable to proceed to business without first making some improvements for their accommodation, which they determined to do with as little delay as possible. --

Monday 5th Octr.

On this day the board were notified by the Agent of the Nation, that the Grand council were disposed to receive and be introduced to the Board according to the "custom & ceremonial" of the Nation -- Whereupon the Board, accompanied by the Agent, and State Commissioners, attended at the Council House and were presented to the King, Council & Committee. The Speaker, Major Ridge, addressed the Board in terms of congratulation and friendship, and was answered by one of the Board, Mr. Campbell, in like terms –

 

The Board addressed to the Agent Govr. McMinn the following note

 

Joseph McMinn Esq. Agent

 

Sir,

We take this, the earliest convenient occasion which has offered since our arrival to inform you that we have proceeded hither for the purpose of submitting to the Cherokee Nation Subjects of interest to the general government

The commissions under which propose to act and the instructions subjoined by the War Department we deem proper to be submitted to you, having been led to expect your cooperation in all matters relating to our Mission. Permit us to request that you will designate an hour, most convenient to yourself, for us to Submit our Commissions and instructions to your perusal.

The absence of our Secretary at present, we hope will be accepted as an apology for not furnishing you copies

With Sentiments of consideration & esteem We are yr obt Serts

Duncan G. Campbell
James Meriwether U.S.Comrs.


 To the Grand Council of the Cherokee Nation –

 

       9th Octr. 1823
Friends & Brothers,

By the commission which we laid before you yesterday under the hand of your father, the President you discover that we have authority to "hold conference with you, of and concerning, all matters interesting to the United States and the Cherokee Nation. From the powers conveyed to us it becomes our duty to bring to your notice the Commissioners on the part of the State of Georgia. These Gentlemen have accompanied us today for the purpose of showing their credentials. They are commissioned by the Governor of Georgia, but their business has been made Known to our father the President and he has directed us to cooperate with them and give them our aid. In some of the writings which have passed between us, we are sorry to discover that the business of these commissioners is treated lightly and but little attention given to the Subject. For the Sake of good understanding and justice we ask you to listen with patience to what these commissioners may have to Say. After taking a deliberate view of all the treaties heretofore made, you will be able to make up a decision. It is better they should be closed in one way or another. As soon as this part of our joint business is settled and adjusted, the United States commissioners will take occasion to Submit matters of interest and importance to the government and to the Nation.

We renew our wishes that all our negotiations may be calm and friendly --

Duncan G. Campbell
James Meriwether U.S. Comrs.
 

 

13th. Octr. 1823

The Board accompanied the State Commissioners to the Council House, where a talk was delivered to the council by that Board setting forth the grounds of the Georgia claims as arising under the different treaties with this Nation –

 

14th Octr. 1823

On this day the council returned an answer to the communication of yesterday and the Board were called on by the State Commissioners to cooperate with them in pursuing, the negotiation and did so in the preparation of a further address –

 

15th Octr. 1823

The Board again accompanied the Georgia Commissioners to the Council where a talk was delivered –

 

16th Octr.

The following, note was received, from, the council.



Newtown Octr. 18th 1823
In Genl. Council
Friends & Brothers,

The General Council now embrace the opportunity of informing you that their correspondence with the commissioners on the part of Georgia is brought to a close, and that the General Council now convened is ready to receive your communication on all subjects relating to your instructions from the President of the United States --

With consideration of respect and esteem; we take you by the right hand as friends & Brothers


Path Killer pl  Chief his X mark
Major Ridge - Speaker of the Council --
John Ross Prest. N. Comt.
A. McCoy , clk N. Committee
Elijah Hicks Clk, N. Council

 

 

Copy of a note received from the Georgia Comrs.


Newtown 16th Octr. 1823
Gentlemen --

We have this moment received a communication from the National Council of the Cherokee Nation in answer to ours to them of yesterdays date, a copy of their communication to us of this days date you herewith receive -- We solicit a conference with you upon this subject as soon, as it may comport with your convenience.

We remain Gent. with great respect and esteem, your obt Serts

Johnson Wellborn
James Blair
Ga.Comrs.

 

 

Reply to the Georgia Commissioners


Newtown, 15th, Octr. 1823
Gentlemen,

In reply to your note of this days date the answer, that we will be prepared to have an interview with you this evening at candle light for the purpose of having a conference upon the subject of the communication received this day, by you from the Cherokee Chiefs --

With Sentiments of esteem & respect We are your obt. Serts.

Duncan G. Campbell
James Meriwether


Newtown Oct. 21st. 1823
To the council of the Cherokee Nation
Friends & Brothers

Your communication of yesterday was handed us by your messenger. We feel constrained by duty and instruction to reply, and to reserve to ourselves the privilege of reply, as often as we may consider it necessary. In doing this we violate no sentiment which we have heretofore expressed with regard to this Nation. Nothing would give us a deeper regret than to find that our confidence has been misplaced, and our encomiums improperly bestowed. Of this we have no apprehension at present, and shall pursue the negotiation under the hope that it will yet be closed in a manner which shall comport with the just expectations of the General Government.

Brothers, The relation in which this Nations stands to the Government of the United States, is somewhat peculiar. The original title of this soil is acknowledged to have been in you. There was a time when most of the teritory now composing the United States, belonged to various tribes of Indians. The people of Europe were the first whitemen who landed upon these shores. As soon as they established Colonies they claimed the sovereignty of the soil by the right of discovery.

For a long period of time, this sovereignty was exercised without resistance. At length, the colonies grew to a size which enabled them to take the management of their own affairs. A war ensued which lasted Seven years and then ended in the complete success of the colonies. What Europe claimed by discovery, was then vested in the people of the colonies by conquest. All the country which was conquered belonged to the conquerors. The Cherokees, the Creek, & almost every other Indian tribe, powerful and numerous as they were, took sides against us. All shared the same fate. -- All became subject to the government afterwards established under the title of the "United States of America"

This subordination and loss of power would have followed conquest as a matter of course. But in order that it might be reduced to a certanity and made plans and recorded, treaties were entered into in every instance with the Indian tribes who were parties to the war.

The Delawares surrendered their sovereignty at the treaty of Fort Pitt- The six nations at Fort Stanwix.  The Creeks at New York The Chckasaws at Hopewell & the Cherokees at Hopewell in 1785, and so on. By these, and by a great many other Nations a complete surrender is made, and "protection" claimed. The language of the United States in the treaty of Hopewell "gives peace to the Cherokees and receives them into favour  and protection." The language of the Cherokees, is submissive and accepts the offer.

So complete was the authority acquired by these memorable operations, that the territory of all those tribes was made the subject of "allotment" All the lands which they now hold has been "allotted" to them. Their original title is forever gone. -- First by discovery -- Secondly by conquest and thirdly by treaty. But the Surrenders which have been made from time to time by the Cherokees go still further, and authorise the United States to "manage the trade of the Cherokees as they may think proper."

Brothers, we have reference to these matters of history and compact, not to show your humility, but to shew your dependance.  It does not degrade you to give you the evidence of your dependance, on the contrary, it is matter of distinction, to be connected with, and dependant upon, the Government of the United States. There are twenty four States and those territories, which are found to acknowledge this connection & dependence.

The advantage is mutual. The United States give laws, give stability & protection to the States; and the States give obidience, support & taxes to the government. By this union, the government becomes powerful -- by a division it would be feeble. As relating to the different tribes of Indians who have settlements within the States, the government is prepared to speak with candour and decission.

If they cherish the idea of independance & self government, the sooner they are corrected, the better. The United States will not permit the existence of a separate, distinct, and independent government within her limits. All the people on her soil must be hers, and her laws must sooner or later pervade the whole. To qualify you for citizenship, the government has within the last twenty years expended upon you upwards of half a million of dollars. You have been told that you are the president's favorite children.

You are indeed so. He seeks not to distroy, but to preserve you. There is nothing annihilating in his scheme. When he qualifies you as citizens you must become so. The process of qualification will follow you where ever you go, and as fast as you become citizens you become subject to our laws. Whether this subjection to our laws is to be individually or collectively, depends in a great degree upon yourselves. As long ago as at the treaty of Hopewell in 1785, the idea is suggested of your becoming a territory of the United States, with the right of representation in Congress. If this Nation would preserve a compact form, not within the limits of the states, no obstacle would remain to the organization of a territorial government composed of themselves. While they are within the limits of States, the state sovreignty must prevail, and they must become merged in the white population and take the standing of individual Citizens.

Brothers, let your choice be as it may; your condition will be bettered. The Government which you have lately formed for yourselves, although it is greatly to your credit, yet it is objectionable in many of its important features. A territorial organization under the United States would be greatly preferable.

Such changes are common among Nations, and often to the advantage of both parties. But if this scheme is not yet sufficiently matured to meet your acceptance, then a cession of a part will quiet the solicitude of Georgia and of the United States, for the present and give time for further deliberation.

The cession of a part need not affect the wishes or interest of any individual with respect to citizenship. If those who live upon the part ceded are not disposed to become citizens they can be indemnified for their losses in removing and retire within your lines.

If they are disposed to become members of the States, they can be secured in a residence and let into all the privileges of ordinary citizens.

Brothers, We have thus laid before you some new topics for discussion. These involve considerations of vast importance to yourselves and to posterity. Listen to them and answer with calmness and deliberation.

You are not engaged in light disputes or trifling considerations -- Nations are parties to this correspondence. If we know our government and our selves we design you no harm. Our object is the good of the whole American family.

We shall now proceed to notice some of the remarks in your communication of yesterday and closed for the present.

The picture which you have drawn of the separation of friends and relatives as the emigration to Arkansas is honorable to the sympathies of your hearts. But the heart often bleeds at what the judgment approves. Among ourselves, these separations occur almost daily. You advert with some emphasis to the "circumstances and means which caused the separation."

Brothers, We understand that it was wholy voluntary, and that your citizens projected the sheme themselves, as long ago as 1808. At that time the President was aware that the season was unpropitious for so serious an operation. His land beyond the Mississippi had not been explored. The distresses of the people and government, were great, & the prospect of a War was in view. The President acted as a great and good father to you and advised you not to go. Since that, it has been ascertained that the country admits of eligible Settlement and organization and the most advantageous terms have been allowed you for removal. In all this, we discover nothing but the characteristic magnanimity of the American government.

Brothers, You state that you "once possessed an extensive Country, but that you have made cession after cession until your limits have become circumscribed" would you if you could, repossess yourselves of all the soil which you once held and allow it to be peopled only by yourselves. Would you demolish temples raised to science and dedicated to god, that beasts might have a wider range, or game a broader play? Would you lay waste a city, that a wigwam might rise upon its ruins? No Brothers, you are now drinking of the streams of civilization, and leaving far behind you the title and vulgar prejudices of untutored barbarism.These are giving place to just and liberal conceptions of the rights of man and the bounty of mans creator.

You suggest that the eagerness of your neighbouring brethren to obtain land is so strong that a small cession would not satisfy them. It is true that self interest is a strong principle of action, and in its operations often requires restraint. In this case however this Eagerness is considered reasonable and your father the President gives it his sanction.

We assure you that a small cession will have a much greater quieting influence, than no cession at all -- It is not altogether fair to set bounds to eagerness when it is founded upon right.

Your allusion to the subject of the line ran under the treaty of 1819 will receive due attention before we close our correspondence.


With great respect for the Council and regard for its members, we again subscribe ourselves
Your Friends & Brothers

Duncan G. Campbell
James Meriwether  [19]

 

 

 

New Town, Cherokee Nation Oct. 24th, 1823
In General Council
Friends & Brothers

Your communication of the 21st Instant have been deliberated by the General Council and it seems that you anticipate a hope that your application for a cession might yet be granted. We assure you in the strongest terms that our rejection is founded upon a mature and deliberate determination which cannot be changed. The title of the Cherokees to the lands in their possession is indisputable, and the United States by the treaty of Hopewell in 1791, in the 7th article fully declares it to be so by solemnly guarantying it to them. Brothers, We are fully sensible that we are dependant upon the government of the United States for protection and have ever manifested a disposition to conduct ourselves in such a manner as comport with our duty in that respect.  . . .   -- Brothers, we beg leave to present this communication as a positive and unchangeable refusal to dispose of one foot more of lands, so that no further application or anticipations of success may be encouraged on your part, and that a final close of the correspondence on this subject should herewith take place, as the council will very soon, rise, having already continued four days over the time allowed by the authorities of the nation for its Setting.


With calmness and cordiality We subscribe ourselves as Friends & Brothers
Path Killer Head Chief his X mark
Major Ridge Sper. of Cl.

John Ross Prest. Nl. Ctee.
A. McCoy , Clk Nl Committee
Elijah Hicks , Clk Nl. Council  [20]

 

 

 

Newtown 25th Octor. 1823
To the General Council of the Cherokee Nation
Friends & Brothers

Your communication of yesterday has been under Consideration, & we regret to see the very wide difference which exists between us, as to the material point of negotiation. The anticipations of success which we had indulged, were founded upon Confidence in your judgement. We believed that we were in the right, and hoped that we should succeed in Convincing you. Your rejection of our application does not at all impair our views of the propriety of what we have laid before you. . . .

Brothers. It would seem from your pointed and determined rejection of what we have asked, that it would be wholly unnecessary to pursue the investigation further. We Commenced with a Simple proposition to purchase your Claim to the whole or part of the soil within the limits of Georgia. In the course of the Correspondence, we have widened the grounds of negotiation, and discussed topics, interesting to the government and to you. If no good results to neither, we must be Content with the  Conciousness of having done our duty. . . .

The United States propose to purchase of the Cherokee Nation, their Claim, to all the land East and North of the following boundaries -- Beginning at a marked Corner at the head of Chestatee, thence along the ridge to the mouth of Long Swamp Creek. -- Thence down to Etowah river to the line which is to be run between Alabama & Georgia, thence with said line to the dividing line between the Creeks & Cherokees -- thence with said line to the Chatahoochee -- In Consideration of said Cessions the United States will pay to the Cherokee Nation the sum of two hundred thousand Dollars in suitable installments, and will also indemnify the Nation against the Georgia Claims, and as a gratuity to the Nation, the Commissioners will pay into their Treasury at this time, for the use of the Nation the further sum of 10,000 dollars --


We are as usual yr friends & brothers

Duncan G. Campbell
Jas. Meriwither
U.S.Commrs.   [21]

 

 

Newtown Octr. 27th 1823
In General Council
Friends Brothers,

. . . you say our possession is at the will of the United States; and that our rejections to the several propositions which have been made cannot be expected to pass away and produce no effect, and that the ties which bind us with the United States are loosening & the chain is becoming weaker What Brothers do you wish to impair the high confidence which we entertain of the magnanimity of your Government, and to harbour an opinion that, because the United States are Great & powerfull and the Cherokees small and dependant upon her for protection; that she will trample justice under foot, and compel us to yield what we have peaceably & respectfully refused to let the U States have, for the benefit of the State of Georgia -- have you not told us that the President have the same love towards us as his white Children; and would not such a treatment of us, as you seem to be apprehensive of be partial& wrong, Brothers we have rejected your propositions because we love our lands and have none to dispose of, We rejected the claims of Georgia because we know that the nation owes her nothing under the treaties Cited- We rejected the proposition of the agent because we think, that it is not expedient to grant it, in as much as we have given him all the priviledges granted him by Treaty and are ever disposed to support his authority as an agent so far as our Citizens may be implicated with transgressions -- Thus far we have not acted with ingratitude towards the Genl. Government in rejecting these several propositions; It is a priviledge & a right which belongs to us, to use our pleasure, in complying or rejecting; Therefore your Charge of ingratitude we conceive is not Consistent with liberality -- Your proposition for a Special Cession of a tract of land, Cannot be aceeded to -- The offer of money is not a Consideration which can effect to alter the rejection which have already been made -- You have been told in positive terms that one foot of Land cannot be sold You state that you are informed that the Council had on former occasion set much longer than the present session, Your informant is mistaken -- Twenty five days is the longest session we have ever had at this place and the present session have now entered the twenty seventh day. You have no grounds to Complain of a Sudden Close of our negotiation; the subject has been fully discussed -- We now consider this a final close of our negotiation & beg leave to take you by the right hand, as we meet, in Brotherly Friendship and as such may we ever Continue


A McCoy clk Nl Committee

Path Killer +Pl chief
Major Ridge + speaker of Cl.
Jno. Ross Prest. national Committee
To D G Campbell& Jas Meriwether Esqrs US Commissioners  [22]

 

 

 

Messrs John Ross
Geo: Lowrey
Major Ridge
Elijah Hicks Cherokee Delegation.

 

Depm't of War 30 Jany. 1824
 
Gentlemen,

The President has received your letter of the 19th inst: and after giving to it that mature consideration which the importance of the subject, to which it refers, demands, he has directed me to communicate to you the following answer.

By the compact with Georgia, the U States are bound to extinguish for the use of the State, the Indian title to lands within the State, as soon as it can be done peaceably, and on reasonable conditions, and the Legislature & Executive of Georgia, now press the fulfilment, of that stipulation, with the utmost possible earnestness. This Government is anxious to fulfil the agreement, provided it can be done, on conditions which accord with the import of the compact, and which will also be satisfactory to the Indians. With a view to this object, we wish to have a free communication with you the Chiefs of the Cherokees, and to appear to the good sense, and the interest of the nation as pointed out by their own experience and by that of their ancestors for two centuries back.

You must be sensible that it will be impossible for you to remain, for any length of time, in your present situation, as a distinct society, or nation, within the limits of Georgia, or of any other state. Such a community is incompatible with our system, and must yield to it. This truth is too striking and obvious, not to be seen by all of you. Surrounded as you are by the people of the several States, you must either cease to be a distinct community, and become at no distant period, a part of the State within whose limits you are, or remove beyond the limits, of any State. For the U States to fulfill the compact with Georgia, the title which you hold to lands, as a distinct community, must be extinguished, and the State, objects to the extinguishment of it, by vesting in you, or in any of you, in lieu thereof, the right of individual ownership. If any of you acquire that right to land, and remain there, after the bond, which holds you together, as a distinct community is dissolved, & your present title is extinguished, it must be by purchasing the property, and acquiring the title from the State, within which it lies.

It remains for the Cherokee Nation to decide for itself, whether it will contribute most to their own welfare & happiness, for them to retain their present title to their lands, & remain where they are exposed to the discontent of Georgia and the presure of her citizens, or to cede it to the U States for Georgia, at a fair price, to be paid, either in other lands beyond the Mississippi, or in money to be vested, in lands, to be purchased for them, as individuals, within that or any other State. Should the nation decide to relinquish its present title, and to adopt either of the alternatives suggested, this Govt. is disposed to act generously with them. If they prefer to move in a body westward of the Mississippi, measures will be taken to acquire lands for them there, in sufficient amount, and in the quarter most agreeable to them. Facilities will also be afforded for their removal. Should they prefer to receive the value of their title, in money, with a view to purchase lands, in any of the States, & become citizens thereof, in that case, a fair price will be given, and proper aid afforded them, for the accomplishment of their object. Should the nation divide, and a portion of it pass the Mississippi, & the residue remain on this side, measures will be taken to give effect, to their wishes, by the compact to be entered into, in both respects.


I have the honor &c&c
J. C. Calhoun  [23]

 

 

City of Washington
February 11 1824

Honble, John C Calhoun Secretary of War

Sir,

We have received your letter of the 30th containing the answer, which the President directed you to communicate to us, in reply to a particular subject embraced in the letter which we had the honor of laying before him on the 19th  In this answer, we discover, new propositions for the extinguishment of Cherokee title to lands, for the benefit of Georgia. We beg leave, to say to the President, thro' you, the Cherokee nation are sensible, that the United States are bound by its compact with Georgia to extinguish for the use of that State, the Indian title to lands within the limits claimed by the State, as soon as it can be done peaceably, and on reasonable conditions, and are also sensible, that this compact, is no more than a conditional one, and without the free and voluntary consent of the Cherokee Nation, can never be complied with on the part of the United States, and having been duly authorized, to make known to the Government of the United States, the true sentiments and disposition of the Nation on the subject, the President has been informed, that "the Cherokees have come to a decisive and unalterable conclusion, never to cede away any more lands." And as the extinguishment of Cherokee title to lands, can never be obtained, on conditions, which will accord with the import of the Compact between the United States& Georgia, it is desirable that the Government should adopt some other means to satisfy Georgia, than to remain any longer under the anticipation of being enabled, to accomplish the object of purchasing the Cherokee title -- The United States now possess an extensive Territory in the Floridas; why not, extend the limits of Georgia in that section of Country, if her present bounds be considered too small?  . . . we beg leave to observe, and to remind you, that the Cherokees are not foreigners, but original inhabitants of America, and that they now inhabit and stand on the soil of their own territory, and that the limits of their Territory are defined by the treaties which they have made with the government of the United States, and that the States by which they are now surrounded, have been created out of lands, which was once theirs, and that they cannot recognize the Sovereignty of any State, within the limits of their territory. --

Confiding in the good faith of the United States to respect their treaty stipulations, with the Cherokee Nation, we have no hesitation in saying that the true interest, prosperity and happiness of our nation, demands, their permanency where they are, and to retain their present title to their lands: in doing so we cannot see the spirit of liberality, honor, magnanimity, equity & justice how they can be exposed to the discontent of Georgia, or the pressure of her Citizens -- An extent of Territory twice as large, West of the Mississippi, as the one now occupied by the Cherokees east of that river, or all the money now in the coffers of your treasury, would be no inducement for the nation to exchange or to sell their country -- It rests with the interest, the disposition and free consent of the nation, to remain as a seperate community or to enter into a treaty with the United States, for admission as citizens, under the form of a Territorial or State Government, and we can only say that the situation of the nation is not sufficiently improved in the arts of civilized life, to warrant any change at present. Therefore the subject must be left for our posterity, to determine for themselves, whenever the whole nation shall have been completely and fully civilized, and shall have possessed the arts and sciences.

With consideration of High Respect and Esteem, We have the honor to be, sir, your very obed. serts.
 

Jno. Ross.
Geo: Lowrey
 Major RidgeX
 Elijah Hicks  [24]

 

 

Washington 10 March 1824

 

      To the President of the United States


             Sir,

The Secretary of War has addressed to the gentlemen composing the Georgia delegation to Congress, copies of the extraordinary document furnished by persons who are called the Cherokee delegation. As this is believed to be the first instance in which a diplomatic correspondence has been held with Indian Chiefs, & in which they have been addressed by the department of war in the same terms with those used to the representatives of a state, it becomes a subject of enquiry in what light the Cherokees are at present viewed by the government of the United States. If as an independent nation to be treated with in all the forms of diplomatic respect, the negociations with them should be transferred to the department of State -- and will no doubt be preceded by a proper examination into their authority to speak for the Cherokee tribe in matters affecting its prosperity and existence. If to be viewed as other indians, as persons suffered to reside within the territorial limits of the United States& subject to every restraint which the policy & power of the General Government requires to be imposed upon them for the interest of the Union, the interest of a particular state & their own preservation, it is necessary that these misguided men should be taught by the General Government that there is no alternative between their removal beyond the limits of the State of Georgia& their extinction -- The Government of the United States will deceive them grossly if they are led to believe that at this day, their consent is necessary to the fulfilment of its obligations to the State of Georgia. Their will must yeild to the paramount duties of the General Government to itself & to each member of the Confederacy. The Cherokees allege, if indeed the representation made is made with their authority that they are resolved neither to leave nor sell their lands on which they reside: land which belong to the State of Georgia -- over which Georgia did claim sovereignty until the adoption of the Federal Constitution -- & over which she will exercise her power whenever any administration of the General Government resolves to fix permanently upon them any persons who are not & whom she will never suffer to become her citizens. The doctrines of the government sanctioned by the highest tribunal of our Country, vindicate the claim of Georgia to the ownership of the soil. The Indians are simply occupants -- tenants at will -- incapable of transferring even their naked possession except through the instrumentality of the United States to the State of Georgia. Aware of the tenure by which their temporary possession is held, their head men have sought in many instances to secure from the United States a title to the soil itself. Stipulations have been enterred into by the general government equally contradictory to the rights of Georgia& the obligations of the United States: -- Stipulations, however, which shew that the general government have the acknowledged right to transfer the possession of the Cherokee lands to the State of Georgia. The power which takes from the Cherokee tribe a portion of soil, to confer it on a Cherokee Chief, under a different tenure, can rightfully take from the Cherokee nation for the benefit of a state.  . . .

If a peaceable purchase cannot be made in the ordinary mode nothing remains to be done but to order their removal to a designated Territory beyond the limits of Georgia& giving an ample equivalent for the Territory left by them & an ample support to the Territory granted to them. An order of this kind will not be disregarded by the Cherokee tribe whose interest will be essentially promoted by a compliance with it (whatever may be the effect of it upon a few chief men who seem to consider their own interest as separate of& distinct from that of their brethern & as it must be obvious that a tranquil & undisturbed possession of a permanent property can alone enable them to acquire the arts of civilized life & to secure to them its benefits. . . .


Senators

J Elliott
 N Ware
Representatives

Joel Abbot
 Geo Cary
 Tho W Cobb
 Cuthbert
 Jno Forsyth
Wiley Thompson  [25]

 




Cherokee Laws

1824

 

. . . intermarriage [is prohibited] between negro slaves and indians or whites. 

[Any male Indian or white who marries] a negro woman slave [is to be punished] with 59 stripes and any Indian woman or white woman marrying a negro man slave with 25 stripes.

All free negroes coming into the Cherokee Nation are intruders and shall not be allowed to reside unless they have a permit from the National Committee and Council.

. . . [it is illegal for] negro slaves to possess property in horses, cattle or hogs.  [They are given one year to dispose of such livestock and thereafter it to be confiscated and sold] for the benefit of the Cherokee Nation.  [26]

 

 

David Brown  to The Family Visitor

September 2, 1825

 

White men in the nation enjoy all the immunities and privileges of the Cherokee people, except that they are not eligible for public offices.  In the above computation of the present year, you perceive that there are some African slaves among us; they have been from time to time bought and sold by white men; they are, however, generally well treated and they much prefer living in the nation to residence in the United States.  There is hardly any intermixture of Cherokee and African blood.  [27]

 

 

John Ridge to Albert Gallatin –

February 27, 1826

For all Cherokees their principle dependence for subsistence is on the Production of their own farms.  Indian corn is a staple production . . . .Wheat, rye and oats grow very well. . . . Cotton is generally raised for domestic consumption and we have grown it for market and have realized very good profits.

African slaves are generally mostly held by half breeds and full Indians of distinguished talents.  In this class the principal value of property is retained and their farms are conducted in the same style as the southern white farms of equal ability in point of property.  Their houses are usually of hewed logs, with brick chimmines, and shingled roofs; there are also a few excellent brick and frame houses.  Their furniture is better than the exterior of their houses would incline a stranger to suppose; they have their regular meals as the whites with servants to attend them in their repasts, and the tables are usually covered with a clean cloth and furnished with the usual plates, knives, forks, ect.  Every family more or less possesses hogs, cattle and horses, and a number pay attention to the introduction of sheep. . . . Domestic manufactures are still confined to women. . . . These consist of white or striped homespun, coarse woolen blankets and in many instances very valuable and comfortable twilled and figured coverlets.  Woolen and cotton stockings are mostly manufactured for domestic use within the Nation. . . . Cherokees on the Tennessee river have already commenced a trade in cotton and grow the article in large plantations and they have realized a very handsome profit.  All those who have it in their power are making preparations to grow it for market and it will soon be the staple commodity for the Nation. [28]

 

 

AN ADDRESS to the WHITES.
DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH ON THE 26TH OF MAY, 1826

 

BY ELIAS BOUDINOTT
A CHEROKEE INDIAN.

 

. . . There are three things of late occurrence, which must certainly place the Cherokee Nation in a fair light, and act as powerful argument in favor of Indian improvement.

First. The invention of letters.
Second. The translation of the New Testament into Cherokee.
And third. The organization of a Government.

The Cherokee mode of writing lately invented by George Guest, who could not read any language nor speak any other than his own, consists of eighty-six characters, principally syllabic, the combinations of which form all the words of the language. Their terms may be greatly simplified, yet they answer all the purposes of writing, and already many natives use them.

The translation of the New Testament, together with Guest's mode of writing, has swept away that barrier which has long existed, and opened a spacious channel for the instruction of adult Cherokees. Persons of all ages and classes may now read the precepts of the Almighty in their own language. Before it is long, there will scarcely be an individual in the nation who can say, "I know not God neither understand I what thou sayest," for all shall know him from the greatest to the least. The aged warrior over whom has rolled three score and ten years of savage life, will grace the temple of God with his hoary head; and the little child yet on the breast of its pious mother shall learn to lisp its Maker's name.  . . .

 

The Cherokee Nation is divided into eight districts, in each of which are established courts of justice, where all disputed cases are decided by a jury, under the direction of a circuit Judge, who has jurisdiction over two districts. Sheriffs and other public officers are appointed to execute the decisions of the courts, collect debts, and arrest thieves and other criminals. Appeals may be taken to the Superior Court, held annually at the seat of Government. The Legislative authority is vested in General Court, which consists of the National Committee and Council. The National Committee consist of thirteen members who are generally men of sound sense and fine talents. The National Council consists of thirty-two members, beside the speaker, who acts as the representatives of the people. Every bill passing these two bodies, becomes the law of the land. Clerks are appointed to do the writings, and record the proceedings of the Council. The executive power is vested in two principal chiefs, who hold their office during good behavior, and sanction all the decisions of the legislative council. Many of the laws display some degree of civilization, and establish the respectability of the nation.

 

The Cherokee authorities have adopted the measures already stated, with a sincere desire to make their nation an intelligent and a virtuous people, and with a full hope that those who have already pointed out to them the road of happiness, will now assist them to pursue it. With that assistance, what are the prospects of the Cherokees? Are they not indeed glorious, compared to that deep darkness in which the nobler qualities of their souls have slept. Yes, methinks I can view my native country, rising from the ashes of her degradation, wearing her purified and beautiful garments, and taking her seat with the nations of the earth. I can behold her sons bursting the fetters of ignorance and unshackling her from the voice of heathenism. She is at this instant, risen like the first morning sun, which grows brighter and brighter, until it reaches its fullness of glory.  [29]

 

 

 

His Excy
Saml. Houston
Govr. of Tennessee.

 

Executive Department of Georgia
Milledgeville December. 12. 1827.
Sir

The public Newspappers inform us that you laid before the Legislature of Tennessee an authentic copy of the constitution lately adopted by the Cherokees who intend to confer upon Tennissee, Alabama, and Georgia the honor of establishing permanently, an independent Government on their soil and within their jurisdiction -- You will do us a favour by transmitting a copy of it to this Department and of any message which accompanied, and of any resolution of the Legislature respecting it.

Accept my personal congratulations on the honor conferred upon you by your fellow citizens, and my best wishes for your success in the discharge of the important trust confided to you.

I have the Honor to be with great consideration

Your Obedt Servt.  

John Forsyth   [30]

 

 

 



[1] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 254.

[2] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 309.

[3] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 298-9.

[4] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 280.

[5] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 281.

[6] Moulton, The Papers of Chief John Ross, Volume I,, 41.

[7] Joyce B. and Paul Gary Phillips, eds., The Brainard Journal (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1998), 195.

[8] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 311.

[9] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 291.

[10] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 312.

[11] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 303.

[12] Duncan Green Campbell, "[Letter] to the Cheifs [Sic] Hedmen [Sic and] Warriors of the Cherokee Nation, 1823 Jan. 20, Cherokee Agency / Duncan G. Campbell. [et al.]," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[13] James Blair and Thomas  Glascock, "Letter, 1823 Jan. 21, Cherokee Agency [to] Governor of Georgia [John] Clark / James Blair [and] Thomas Glascock," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[14] James Blair and Thomas  Glascock, "Letter, 1823 Jan. 29, Cherokee Agency [to] John Clark, [Governor of Georgia], Milledg[e]Ville, Georgia / James Blair [and] Thomas Glascock," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842,www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[15] James Blair and Thomas  Glascock, "Journal [of the] Cherokee Commissioners, 1823 Jan. 16 [to] 1823 Feb. 10," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842,www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[16] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 306.

[17] “[Letter], 1823 Apr. 25, near Fortville, Cherokee Nation,”, Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[18] Phillips, The Brainard Journal, 355.

[19] Duncan G. Campbell and Meriwether James, "[Letter] 1823 Oct. 21. Newtown, to the Council of the Cherokee Nation / Duncan G. Campbell [and] James Meriwether," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[20] Path Killer, Major Ridge, and John  Ross, "[Letter], 1823 Oct. 24, New Town, Cherokee Nation / Path Killer. [et al.]," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[21] Duncan G. Campbell and Meriwether James, "[Talk] 1823 Oct. 25, Newtown, to the General Council of the Cherokee Nation / Duncan G. Campbell [and] Ja[me]s Meriwether," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842,www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[22] Duncan G. Campbell and Meriwether James, "[Talk] 1823 Oct. 27, Newtown, to D[Uncan] G. Campbell and Ja[me]s Meriwether / Path Killer. [et al.]," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[23] John C Calhoun, "[Letter] 1824 Jan. 30, Dep[Art]m[en]t of War [to] John Ross, [et al.] / J[Ohn] C. Calhoun," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[24] John Ross and others, "[Letter], 1824 Feb. 11, Washington, [D.C. ? to] John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War / John Ross. [et al.]," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[25] "[Letter], 1824 Mar. 10 [?], Washington to [James Monroe], President of the United States / [Signed by] Senators [and] Representatives [Comprising] the Georgia Delegation to Congress," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[26] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 340-1.

[27] American State Papers. Indian Affairs, 651.

[28] McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic, 288, 300.

[29] Elias Boudinot, "An Address to the Whites Delivered in the First Presbyterian Church on the 26th of May, 1826 / Elias Boudinot," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

[30] John Forsyth, "[Letter] 1827 Dec. 12, Milledgeville, Georgia, [to Governor] of Tennessee, Sam[ue]l Houston / John Forsyth, Gov[Ernor of Georgia]," Southeastern Native American Documents, 1730-1842, www.galileo.peachnet.edu: University of Georgia.

 

 

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