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24. Band of Brothers

 

 

 

 

In October 1811, Tecumseh, a Shawnee whose mother was Creek, and a group of his followers called “prophets” visited the Creek Indians whose villages lay south of the Cherokees in what is now Georgia and Alabama.  The message they brought was much the same as that of the Cherokee visionaries – rid yourself of the white man’s culture and return to that of your ancestors.  The Creeks, who were less acculturated than the Cherokees, became divided along generational lines much as the Cherokees had a generation before when Dragging Canoe and his followers moved to the Chickamauga area.  The young Creek warriors, embracing the teachings of Tecumseh,  openly rebelled against their elders and precipitated an all out civil war.  Some of the Shawnee “prophets” who remained among the Creeks led them to believe that the British, who were on the brink of war with the United States, would supply them with guns and ammunition.  As the civil war spilled over the borders of  Creek territory in attacks against white settlers in Tennessee and Georgia the federal government began preparations to move against the Creeks.  The Cherokees were inevitably drawn into the conflict, choosing to side with the United States and the older Creek chiefs against the young rebel warriors. 

Two years prior to the beginning of the Creek War, John Norton, a Mohawk Indian, visited the Cherokees in search of his family roots.  He believed his father to be Cherokee and left an account of his visit in a journal.

 

 

 

 

Journal of Major John Norton

 

The next morning, thursday, the 22nd [June 1809], the people from the adjacent village came to see us, — they had had a dance the night before, & the interpreter, the son of an old Englishman who married in the Nation, was so overpowered by the excesses of the proceeding evening, — that though at other times he spoke very good English, he was now perfectly unintelligible in either language: this caused us to remain in silence, looking at one another, until it was broken by a general friendly emotion of shaking of hands, each one speaking  in his own language.

At this time, a friend, (Mr. J. Walker, alias Sequaneyohho,) whom I had known in the Shawanon country, at the Miami River, coming in, kindly undertook to assist us in whatever communications we might make, — he speaking very good English, and the interpreter confessing his inability for the office.

We proceeded to inform them, that one object of this visit was to enquire into the situation of our brethren the Cherokees, of whom the Tribes of the North had received no satisfactory accounts for many years past.  In the next place, that my father having been taken, a boy, from Kuwoki [Keowee], when that Village was burnt by the English, could any of their old Chiefs trace the family, his relatives, it would give me pleasure to take them by the hand.  After a little consultation among themselves, Selukukigh Wohellettgh answered in the part of the whole, “Brothers, we sincerely thank the Great Spirit for having afforded you his protection along the road, so that you have arrived in safety at our habitations into which we receive you with joy, and entreat you to consider yourselves as at home.  We thank you for your visit, and hope when we shall meet together, that you will find some of your relations.  I remember having heard something myself that corresponds with your account; — when the old people meet together, they will recollect more correctly, — for many are yet alive, who were arrived at the years of discretion, at that time.  We shall without delay acquaint our Principal Chief, and endeavour to have a Meeting called, of all the leading characters of our Nation, at our Council at Titsohhellengh or Watt’s Town, about 6o miles from hence.”

My friend Siquaniyohha insisted upon us favouring him with a visit at his village on Hiyouwassee [Hiwassee] River, before we should return home.  He informed me that their nation yet possessed a country, three hundred miles in length, and from one hundred to a hundred and fifty in breadth, hounded by the Creeks or Muscogui on the South; the Chicasaws on the West; the States of South Carolina and Georgia on the East; and Tennessee State on the North; that the Tennessee river was the Boundary, except for about one hundred and fifty miles, where the Cherokees possess both sides of the river, the line running from the Mouth of Hiyouwassee River along the Mountains, and striking the Tennessee again, thirty miles below the Creek Path.

 

Hereabouts the country is beautifully wooded with lofty trees, growing at such a distance apart as hardly to shade all the ground below but so unincumbered by underwood or fallen trees that a person can ride in any direction on horseback.  Nothing will impede his progress, except the craggy sides of the mountain, to ascend which, the winding ravine must be taken, (the impenetrable cane brake on the luxuriant banks of Rivers.)  My friend’s house is about half a mile from the mountain, yet its rocky summits seem to overhang his abode; by the side of which is a transparent fountain, which gushing out from the earth forms at once a pretty running stream.  He has an American, a tenant on his place, who pays him half the crop as rent, there are now upwards of twenty acres of land in tillage, he has besides sixty head of cattle and about twenty horses which he takes care of himself. The land is in general either of a black mould or dark red loam both well adapted to the cultivation of Indian Corn.

 

We returned to my friend Siquaniyohha’s Village, and across the River at our Host’s, we met a great number of Cherokees, who saluted us with much cordiality.  A great Ball-play being appointed to take place at Oustenallih, (one of the principal villages of the Nation,) we prepared to go there in company with many others.  Here they think nothing of going sixty or seventy miles to see a Ball-play — at which they bett high.

We set out, together with our friend Sequaniyohha and his wife, to see this athletic and interesting amusement, — a number following us.  That afternoon, we came to his Uncle’s, who received us with much kindness and hospitality.  There we received a message informing us that the most active and expert Ball Player at Oustenallih had died two days before, and that in respect to the feelings of his relations, the Ball-Play had been deferred until some future occasion.

 

The next morning we took farewell of my friend, proceeding to Oustennallih by a circuitous route, for the purpose of visiting the Moravian Missionaries, of whom we had heard a good report from all who knew them.  After passing a small Village about eight miles from that which we had left, we crossed a ridge of hills, from the summit of which, we had an extensive view of the country, till bounded by a range of mountains, on the South East, whose blue tops were hidden among the clouds.  In the afternoon, we passed a river called Kaneghsague, a branch of the Coosa; it is navigable for boats.  Between it and the Amoy, a branch of the Hyouwassee; there is a carrying place of no great distance.  In about two miles farther, we came to the plantation of the late Mr. Wann [Vann], a half Cherokee, the son of a Trader; he had himself been very successful in trade, and had thereby acquired an immense property; he possessed at his death a hundred negroes employed on different plantations, besides a great sum in specie, and numerous herds of cattle; horses and hogs.  He had some years ago killed his brother-in-law in a Duel, for which some of the family of the deceased had threatened his life, alledging that the Duel had not been fairly fought: and finally, a half Cherokee, belonging to that family or Clan, who had always accompanied him as a faithful friend, and in whom he seemed to place much confidence, although a man of bad character; being with him on the Frontiers of Georgia, they had a dispute, and he shot him through the crevices of the logs of the house, in such a treacherous manner, that there is only circumstantial proof of the fact having been perpetrated by him.  The Assassin immediately disappeared, and has never since attended at any public meeting of the Nation.  It is said, that the deceased, altho’ of considerable natural talents and capable of serving his country; on account of his violent disposition was not generally beloved: this perhaps may be the reason why no greater exertions have been made to bring the culprit to justice; for in general the respective families or clans are very strict in exacting justice for murder or manslaughter; nothing can compensate for life, but the life of the aggressor; except in time of war, when the perpetrator shall appear to have acted from the impulse of the moment, caused by some outrageous affront: — in such cases a Captive may be accepted in place of the deceased.

The house is surrounded by a cluster of negro buildings, which give the place the appearance of a village.  We found here an acquaintance, a brother-in-law of the deceased, who, together with the widow lady, entertained us with the kindest hospitality.  She was in her mourning garb and her countenance and whole demeanor seemed to correspond, although tranquillized by resignation: she is of a comely countenance, is tall and has a dignity of carriage softened by mildness.

Next morning being Sunday, we all walked over to visit the worthy Missionaries, who are blest with the feelings of true religion. May the Almighty, bless and prosper the pious labours of these worthy Christians, who sojourn with a strange nation; whose language, manners and customs are different from the land and people among whom they have been bred!

We joined in the devotions of these worthy people, and passed the day very pleasantly in their society.  Mr. & Mrs. Gambolt, (for that is the name of these good people,) — their eyes brightening with the tears of pious affection, exclaimed in the fervour of Christian love, “Oh that God, in his mercy, would enable us to spread his Holy Gospel among this Nation! they are a good people, as much so as can be expected from the depravity of human nature, without the guidance of the sacred lights of revelation: — but we cannot communicate with the bulk of them, from our ignorance of their language, and those who understand English have too many worldly pursuits to he able to attend much to religious instruction.  The aid we expect by human means is more distant: we hope to bring up the Cherokee Children now under our tuition, in the fear of God; and if in his mercy, he bestows on them a true spirit of Religion, they may be the means of diffusing it throughout the Nation.  May the Almighty bless the seed, which these virtuous people sow, and give it strength to overcome all pernicious weeds”!

 

At present, there are parties of light horse throughout the Nation, appointed for the recovering of debts, and for taking up, trying and punishing thieves and others committing petty misdemeanors.  Among these people, cases are not so difficult to try as among their more civilized neighbours; because they are not so much addicted to equivocation and to denying their transgressions.  Since the Treaty of Peace, five Cherokees have been put to death for the murder of the people of the United States, because the Nation was faithful to its agreements, and their offenders did not deny that they had committed the deed of which they were accused: but several of the people of the United States, who have been taken up for similar transgressions against the Cherokees, have escaped through their superior talent in the art of lying and evasion, and their dexterity, in availing themselves of the intricacies of their more refined laws.

 

In the forenoon we arrived at the appointed ground where the contending parties were to play Ball; it was an open wooded, level spot, unincumbered with underwood: the number assembled was not so great as on the former time these parties had agreed to play.

This game is different from that in use among the Northern Tribes: it is played with two bats, one in each hand, formed of a piece of hickory, split, which being doubled together, the two ends form the handle of about eighteen inches in length; the centre, which makes the other end of the bat, is formed into an aperture of about five inches in length; and three in diameter, crossed with thongs of deer leather; with this the ball is lifted up from the ground, then taken in the hand; and the person holding it runs with it or throws it to the goal, whilst the opposite party do all in their power to prevent his succeeding, by laying hold of him, throwing him down and endeavouring to take it from him.

Great bets had been staked before we arrived; the Ball-players prepared to begin the contest; all were stripped except the lap fastened round the waist, with their belt; they raised their vigorous arms ; they advanced to meet each other, with a shout of mutual defiance; they stopped to challenge each other; to bett in confidence of their respective dexterity and strength.

The game now commences.  They meet, the ball is thrown up between time contending parties; they close, the sticks rattle, they crowd to seize it; they bend their bodies, and exert every nerve:  the fortunate seizer of the ball snatches it up, and runs off with it: — he is pursued, circumvented, taken, and thrown to the ground: when he falls, he casts his eye on a friend, whose activity may rescue it from the opponent ; he throws the contested ball to him; he catches it and runs:  another contest commences around him; every exertion of strength, activity, quick sighted decisions, and acute penetration is used; at lengths, some one more fortunate throws or carries it to the Goal.  Twelve constituted the Game.  The one party completed the number, whilst time other obtained only five; three were carried out by an active young man, Clokeske Kayelli, and one apiece by two others.  Much was lost by the vanquished, and by those who had betted in that favour, in horses, money and goods; but no one murmured; they only blamed themselves for having been too negligent in preparing for the contest by practice.

I now took farewell of my kind friends and returned in company with several who were going the same way for some miles.  The game being over, time Crowd which had assembled, immediately took the different paths which led to their respective homes.

 

The next morning, my friend conducted me about a mile to put me on the right road when we took farewell, with mutual demonstrations of lasting friendship.  I pursued my way through a very pleasant country, thinly wooded and towards evening arrived at a small village, where I was kindly entreated to remain and the day having been very warm, I accepted of their friendly; invitation.  Early next morning, I again set out and in about two hours arrived at Hiyouwassee River. There the Chief of the Village very hospitably detained me to breakfast.  He was preparing to pass the Mississippi, to settle up the Arkansa River.  This Chief had been formerly very popular in the Nation; during the War he had shewn great bravery, and some of his relations had fallen in it, but since the Peace, his too great facility in agreeing  to part with land to his neighbors, had rendered him disagreeable to them.  Perhaps this change in the sentiments of his countrymen towards him, was the cause of his moving; - for he said that the white people were continually wanting more land. 

 

Having taken leave, and proceeding along a small path, in about half a mile, I came to the foot of a lofty mountain of very steep ascent, and having climbed to the summit, I stopped to contemplate the grandeur of the scene before me;  precipice rising over precipice, presented themselves to the view, and mountains hiding their lofty heads in the clouds, which again began to darken the horizon;  while such objects attracted the eye, the ear was stunned by the roaring of the stream below, hurrying its foaming torrent over its rocky bed.

After descending into a deep and narrow valley, I ascended another mountain higher than the last; but now a mist had covered the whole horizon, and small rain began to fall, which hid from the view the grandeur of the surrounding scenery.  Having gained the summit of another hill, and continuing on the ridge, I met a tall good looking man; we saluted each other, and after informing him where I was going, he told me that if I continued on the direct path, I could not reach the intermediate village until long after dark, but that if I took a path which turned off to the left, I might reach his house early in the evening, he also said that I had now passed the hills of most laborious ascent and all before me were only mills of moderate height.

 

The next morning, having crossed the Annataghhi, which is about thirty yards wide, we proceeded towards Hiyouwassee Awetigh.  The day was clear, the sun enlivening with Isis rays the surrounding objects.  The country through which we passed was pleasant, interspersed with gently rising hills. To the North West, the mountains I had passed, raised their lofty heads, partly hid in a blue mist, that hovered over their tops: — to the South East, another ridge yet more high, — binds the horizon, like a cloud, whose colour they assume.  M friend pointing over one of them, said, “Beyond that mountain, stood Kuwoki the town of your father.”   It is about one day’s journey and a half distant, and a few miles within the line of Carolina.  [1]

 

 

 

Return J. Meigs to Secretary of War Eustis –

May 8, 1812

. . .three young chiefs, men of property and considerable information, came into the Council and observed that there would be a war between the United States and the English and that they thought it would be for the advantage of the Nation to offer their aid to our Government, and that they wished each to raise a number of young warriors and offer their service on the terms of pay and emolument of our military corps.

I know that the humanity of our Government would revolt at the idea of Indian Auxiliaries fighting against white men but to employ them against British Indians would not be considered inconsistent with the principles of self defense.

It is my opinion that several corps of Infantry or Calvary might be furnished & being particularly under the direction of the General-in-chief, might render valuable service in an active campaign & might be considered as a pledge of fidelity of the nation and with proper impressions on their minds might be restrained from acts of barbarity.  I mention Calvary because they are real horsemen, they are remarkable for the ease with which they ride & manage their horses. . . . The Government can employ them at any point, either Northward or Southward.  [2]

 

 

Andrew Jackson to his liaison officer –

June 1812

. . . when we march I want as many of his [John Lowery’s] men together with him as will be sufficient as guides, that if any plan can be devised so that in time of action, our friends and brothers the Cherokees can be distinguished from the Creeks I would rejoice to have him and his regiment in the field.  [3]

 

 

Colonel Return J Meigs
Agent for Cherokees
Highwassee

 

Creek Path July 23rd, 1813
Brother

 

This is wrote from the request of Your Friend & Brother the PathKiller (our chief) to acquaint you with the rebellion in the Creek Nation, the principal Town Tooquachee (or Toocabatchee) of the Creek Nation where four different tribes of Indians generally had their friendly conferences, is now destroyed & taken from the Big warrior, the principal chief thereof, by the rebellious & hostile party of that Nation.  They are endeavouring to brake the chain of friendship between the U.S. & that Nation-The Big warrior together with all the friendly Indians have dispersed from Toocabatchee to the Coweta & Caseta Towns, & it is said that the greatest body of the Creek Nation have joined the rebellious party. the Scrimages which have taken place between them appears to terminate to the Success & honour of the friendly party- as it is Stated that only 5 have been killed on the friendly side & 43 on the Rebellious side,  It appears that the situation of our villages on the borders of the Creek Nation is not altogether safe, as we have been advised by the Big Warrior & his friendly Chiefs, to furnish ourselves with guns.   to be guarded against the rebellious Creeks, that they should be suppressed, in case an attempt to invade our Country- a number of Creeks of the Natchez tribe have come to Turkey's Town for refuge from the mercyless rebels their friendly disposition towards the US. appears to be usually firm, their number consists of nearly 200 men besides their women & Children.  we hope the White People will not think that we have suffered those Indians to come amongst us with any hostile intentions towards them; as they are part of those who have suffered their friends & relations to spill their blood in giving sattisfaction to the US. for the murder which was committed on the Ohio-

Your Friends & Brothers
Chiefs 

KanchestaneskeeX mark
WassaseeX mark
Richard Brown his R mark
Bear MeatX mark

NB  One of false prophets who have seduced those deluded Creeks, is said to be killed, another is said to be gone towards the Choctaws. - at the request of the Big Warrior & and others, we have wrote supralinear to the Chickesaws requesting them to make it known to the Choctaws & that in case he should make his appearance amongst them for them to put him to death  [4]

 

 

The Honorable
John Armstrong
Secretary of War

 

Highwassee Garrison 6th August 1813
Sir

It is very doubtful whether peace can be preserved on this extreme frontier without the aid of Troops.  The civil war amongst the Creeks has placed the Cherokees in a disagreeable situation, should the insurgent get the ascendacy they will if possible corrupt the Cherokees for the hostilities of the insurgent party is in fact against the United States -- A number of the well disposed Creeks have fled to the Cherokee Villages for safety.  I have advised the Cherokee Chiefs not to let any of the insurgent party come into their Country because it will Subject them to the suspicion of the white people on the frontier -- The friendly Creeks applyed to the Cherokees for aid & a number armed but I believe none of them did march.  The headmen of the Cherokees advised first to wait the effect of pacific measures & have appointed a meeting of their National Council for that purpose -- since the removal of the troops the Cherokees feel themselves unsafe -- their Northern boundary line is more than 250 miles in length.  A number of Intruders are on their land, others are preparing to go on, nothing but military force can restrain these aggressions -- one strong company of troops one part stationed here & another part in Tellico would perhaps be sufficient to keep peace on this long line by frequent patrolling.   The conduct of the Cherokees has been decidedly friendly -- At the commencement of the war. Several Young Chiefs offered to raise  men & offer their service to the Government -- I asked a young Chief whether he thot, in case the Cherokees should be employed they could be restrained from committing acts of Barbarity.  he replyed that they could be restrained.  I would not suffer them to act except against the British & their Allies -- If the British continue their savage warfare what can be done to prevent it?  Shall we suffer it?  It is difficult for humanity to answer -- It may be asked what interest have the Cherokees in this war.  I answer they owe the U. States more than they are able to repay -- The United States have saved their nation from perdition -- they have raised them up from a state of hunters to Hurdsmen, Cultivators & manufactures -- While under the English they learned nothing useful, they acquired nothing from the English but vices which placed their own in the light of comparative virtues, they then left them confirmed in their savage customs & manners & without a single stipulation for their preservation -- The United States then took them by the hand & made them happy compared with their former condition -- There is no doubt the insurgent Creeks are acting in concert with the English thro' the northern Indians.  every disaster on our side is magnified & stated to the Southern Tribes who for want of proper information are liable to be deceived & acted on by the events of the moment. -- With the greatest deference & respect & with pure motives I beg leave to suggest whether it would not be good policy to make some provisional arrangement for the employment of a good number of the Cherokees -- six or eight companies of 100 men each having 4 officers to each company the whole making two Battalions having one major to each Battalion -- all the officers including that of majors should be Cherokees.  The other Field officers should be white men calculated for such Troops.  Such characters might be found These Corps might be employed separately or combined, but more especially as light Troops, it would preclude the necessity of detailing & sometimes almost breaking up the regular Corps for desultory Service. -- In some of my former communications to the war Department I stated my opinion that it would be difficult to keep these people as idle spectators of the war it being well known that they have a passion for war, & that if the war should be continued they will if possible have a hand in it some where By taking a respectable number of their Best people into service the fidelity of the whole Nation will be secured & they will render a service they justly owe the United States

I am Sir very respectfully Yr Obt Servant
Return J. Meigs

P.S. It may perhaps be that, extraordinary but I am confident the Cherokee can be well officered by Cherokees in the grades I have mentioned
R. J. Me.  [5]

 

 

Meigs to Georgia Governor Mitchell –

September 17, 1813

On my communicating to them the wishes of the war office, they appeared exceedingly pleased and observed that they could bring a much larger number into the field than I had mentioned provided arms could be had. . . . Rifles would be preferred, but . . . muskets would be well received. . . . They were sensible that if the hostile Creeks should put down the friends of the United States, they would ruin the Cherokees if in their power.  [6]

 

 

 

Address of Return J. Meigs to the Cherokees

October 29, 1813

 

To the Cherokees who are Arming themselves to co-operate with the Troops of the United States against the hostile Creeks.

Friends & Brothers.

The perfidious Creeks having refused the benevolent measures of the United States calculated to lead their minds to sentiments of civilization have at length spurned the hand that held out to them the greatest favors.  They have opened their ears to the talks of our enemies.  They have murdered our peacable citizens, destroying witho' distinction fathers, mothers, and helpless infants, they have perpetrated these acts of barbarity with circumstances of  brutality, & cruelty, too base to be described.  By these unprovoked acts of barbarity the United States are compelled to send their young warriors from Georgia & Tennessee to chastise these enemies of the human race, and to defend the friendly Creeks and their good friends the Cherokees who have refused to lend an ear to the corrupting overtures of our enemies.

The Cherokees have taken the talks of their father the President & he  still holds them by the hand as Children & faithfull friends. --  Brothers.  I flatter myself that in the just & necessary war now commencing against the hostile Creeks, your Battalions will be considered as a respectable part of the army according to their numbers.  The Generals Jackson, Cocke, & White will consider you as intitled to their care & friendly attention as part of their effective force & that you have provisions, ammunition & medical aid when necessary: in all these you will have equal advantages with the other troops - and of course it will be expected that you will be obedient to every order & regulation that may be made for the government of the whole.  & being united with your white Brothers by the ties of discipline & affection you will in deed with them be a band of Brothers whose minds will rise above every hardship & difficulty. Such men may be killed: but cannot be conquered.

The staff duties in your Corps will be performed by such Gentlemen as the Commanding General shall attach to your part of the Army they will see that you are provided with what is proper from the Stores & magazines, they will keep muster rolls with every mans name on which all casualties will be rimarked, so that every individual will be accounted for.  Brothers, you may be assured that I feel very much interested in the parts you will act in co-operation with our white Brothers against the common enemy - and I anticipate the satisfaction (at the end of the Campaign) of seeing on the muster rolls that you shall have done honor to your nation, & to yourselves.  You will find the Army to be a school of instruction that will elevate & raise up your minds to sentiments unknown to barbarous nations.  & here it is proper to observe that even in war we never lose sight of humanity.  The United States do not make war on women & children the aged & helpless, & they always spare the unresisting prisoner.  and I have been much pleased to hear lately similar sentiments from several of  the Cherokee Officers who are now arming.

Brothers, I am now to address you on a subject interesting & dear to military men, Grades of Rank.  Just military pride may be of great advantage to the community; its excess only may be disadvantageous.  - I make these observations to men of understanding.  Brothers.  You are sensible that in military bodies there must be Officers of different degrees of rank.  I have no doubt that in your nation there are more men worthy of high rank than can at present be appointed; having reference to the number of armed Cherokees, this being the case, I persuade myself that you will not let there be any contention about rank; considering that harmony & union will make you strong & make you happy; and we must look forward.  The war in our part of the United States is but just commencing.  There may be yet time enough for every man of ability & real merit to have such rank as he may wish.  We must consider that we are a band of Brothers in this war acting in a common cause where all will vie with each other in doing the most good without contending for an Epaulette, a Cockade, or a Feather, considering & keeping in mind that these may be ours at some time if we do our duty & that in a short time they may fall to your lot without any thing lying in the way.  You may rely on it that those who shall distinguish themselves will not be neglected. Their names will be known to their father the President, & exhibitted also to the view of the public.

My Brothers you are now acting a part in co-operation with your white Brothers under the orders & in sight of the Generals of the Army. The eyes of the whole Army are turned towards you.  The citizens of the United States and the whole of your nation are spectators of your conduct in Arms, and all feel an interest that you should do your duty.

The Gentlemen selected by the General to perform the duties of the Staff Department in your Corps will do every thing in their line to aid & give activity to the movements that may be required of your troops; & on all occasions will contribute their friendly advice & help to make you as comfortable as can comport with the hardihood of american soldiers.

You all know my wishes, I will only add God Bless you
 Return J. Meigs  [7]

 

 

 

    [John Armstrong

     Secretary of War]

 

Highwassee Garrison 30th October 1813.
Sir,

On receiving your letter of the 26th August on the subject of a co-operation of the Cherokees with the U. S. troops against the hostile Creeks, a number of Chiefs came to me to inform me that they were taking measures, unknown to me, in anticipation of the object expecting every day that the hostile Creeks would make an attack on the friendly Creeks who had found an asylum within the Cherokee boundary line at Turkeystown to whom the Cherokees had promised protection.

As advised by your letter I addressed the Governors of Georgia & Tennessee on the subject of a co-operation of the Cherokees in the expeditions against the enemy.  I received a letter from the Governor of Tennessee approbating the measure & requesting me to correspond with the Generals Jackson, Cocke, & White commanding the Tennessee troops; in the mean time the leading young Cherokee Chiefs were enrolling their young men for the expedition and applied to me for Blankets & some other articles of Cloathing to enable those who were destitute to march with them in cooperation with our Troops: there was no time to consult the war Department.  There was no time to hesitate; the frontiers were menaced with a formidable savage force, become so only by their desperation we have nothing to fear while we estimate the utmost they can do in this kind of war it was considered that the service of the Cherokees would be of great value & I furnished the most needy whose names were enrolled at that time with articles of Cloathing to the amount of ten dollars each: not as a gift, or present; but to be accounted for at the end of the Campaign, presuming that the Government will consider them entitled to some compensation.  And as I may expect repeated applications for Blankets & other articles to enable them to do their duty as the cold weather advances. I respectfully ask for advice & directions.  Whatever they receive in this way can be deducted from their pay if they shall be allowed pay -- they will expect pay or compensation in some shape.  I never have had an idea that they will be considered as allies having always rejected an idea of their sovereignty, for there is no way to save them or to make them of use to the Government : but to keep them dependent -- They cannot stand alone and by paying them for their service they will feel themselves under control: besides it will flatter their pride to be considered in some degree on a footing with our troops.  If the war should be protracted they may be made of great service, especially in combatting Indians.  There is no way to save these people from annihilation as a nation but to employ them -- They have some enemies who observe with regret their coming to act with our troops: these illiberal people wish for an opportunity to divide their pleasant Country amongst them.

I have frequently compared the condition of the Cherokees to that of a Foundling laid at the door of Charity: if spurned from the door it will perish; if taken in it may one day help to defend the house. -- Keep them dependant.  It will not be understood that I would deprive them of their natural rights as human beings, my mind would revolt at such a sentiment. Their state in their relation to the United States is that of minority, to this State they conceded after the English were driven from our Coasts; it was the price of their preservation & by this concession their existence as a distinct tribe has been secured to the present time.  By convention we owe them protection & in return they owe us fidelity. -- It would be a cruel act  to make them politically independent; the effect would be their extinction within a short period. -- I conceive that the Indian tribes within the limits of the U.S .can never be considered as distinctly independent communities.  They are by their local & moral condition appendages only, not necessary to us, but absolutely necessary for them & the mild constituent principle of our Government has reached the Indian tribes everywhere within our limits, & it is not one of its least estimable traits that it has expended since the revolution millions for the amelioration of the condition of the Indian tribes: notwithstanding which, the never ceasing envy & malice of the English having deceived & corrupted them, they have turned their arms against us.  & we are now suffering from their recent barbarity & yet we receive their acknowledgements of their errors; we bring them back & compel them to be happy; it may almost be said against their will. -- The magnanimity of our Government rises above the passions of revenge and looks down on Treason, fraud, & barbarity of the Indians in the "calm light of mild philosophy" considering justly that, the English, the savages of Europe, are the cause of the defection of Indians & that what we have suffered from them ought principally to be attributed to the present British ministry. 

[Return J. Meigs]  [8]

 

 

 

 

Davy Crockett –

We shot them like dogs and then set the house on fire, and burned it up with . . . forty six warriors in it.  I recollect seeing a boy who was shot down near the burning house and the grease was stewing out of him.  In this situation he was still trying to crawl along; but not a murmur escaped him.  [9]

 

Benjamin Hawkins to Big Warrior and other Creek chiefs –

What did your father, the British, tell the prophets, the beginning of this war?  Tecumseh, in the square of Tuckabatchee, delivered their talk. . . . Kill the old chiefs, friends to peace; kill the cattle, the hogs, and fowls; do not work, destroy the wheels and looms, throw away your ploughs, and every thing used by the Americans.  Sing “the song of the Indians of the northern lakes, and dance their dance”.  Shake your war clubs, shake yourselves; you will frighten the Americans, their arms will drop from their hands. . . . Has this proven true? Go to the fields of Talledega, the New-yau-cau, and see them whitened with the bones of the Red Clubs.  [10]

 

 

 

 

 

Cherokee “Claims Journal”

January 15, 1814

 

[The Big Cabbin asserted that] he met several white people going on to his house himself going to Fort Armstrong and informed him they wanted corn, which he directed his negroe man to go back and let the men have the corn which he did and Demanded for pay.  And one white man pushed the fellow with his gun and had never recd pay for the corn.  the bull was killed above the garrison and the cow was killed there also – which lay in the water and found by George Chambers the Sow was killed onj the Blount Waggon road and left the pigs.  [11]

 

 

 

General Armstrong
Secretary of War

 

Highwassee Garrison 5th May 1814.

Sir.

I herewith transmit a statement of claims of Cherokees who respectfully ask for indemnity for losses suffered by the wanton maraudings & depredations of the Tennessee levies on their marches & countermarches through the Cherokee County in the late expeditions against the Creeks: said to be all done by the left wing or division of those levies.  There has been no complaint of the conduct of the right wing of the army or the 39th Infantry commanded by Colo. Williams.  In the large detailed statement now transmitted, the kinds of property lost by each claimant is described opposite to his name  -- & supported by his narative as taken by a faithfull intelligent Interpreter: from the large statement I have made an abstract that the whole may be seen at one view.  These depredations may at first seem incredible, but I have no dout of the justness of the statements: they are well known to thousands.  I received a letter from an officer of high rank in that army in which he says, The return of the horse through their Country has been marked by plunder and prodigal unnecessary and wanton destruction of property: their stocks of cattle & hogs have been shot and suffered to rot untouched -- their horses in some instances shared the same fate.  their cloathing intened to defend them from the wet & cold in the present campaign has been stolen and in some instances where they remonstrated their lives have been threatned, this conduct is well calculated to dishearten & may withhold their services which would be severely felt by us.  I have been well informed that when in some instances applications were made by the Indians to officers they received for answer that their men felt themselves unfettered by the laws & that they could not restrain them.  The task of Genl. Jackson to break down the spirit of licentiousness & insubordination of such men & turn the current of barbarity against the Creeks has been done by a kind of address unconquerable resolution united rarely to be found & the successful termination of the Creek war aught, perhaps, to spread a veil over every vice & every expense in the prosecution of such a war since it is now impossible to place the expence on the individuals who committed those excesses, some of the Cherokees have been deprived of all their Cattle & hogs: others nearly all. The Cherokee chearfully supplyed the army with Beef & pork and nearly all the corn they had.  General Jackson wrote me that on his route south of the mountains with the right wing or division of the army that the Indians let him have all their corn.

The Cherokee warriors have faught and bled freely and according to their numbers have lost more men than any part of the army.  They know that they have rendered great service in this Creek war and have no dout  their services are properly appreciated by the Government.

They are a little uneasy about the intrusions on their lands but believe the intruders will be removed as soon as troops can be spared for this part of the country for they confide in the government they know their standing.  There are people who regret that the Cherokees have taken arms in our favor they would rejoice to have some pretext to drive them off their lands.

I have the honor to be with great respect your obedient servt. 

[Return J. Meigs]  [12]

 

 

Cherokee Chiefs to President Madison

December 1815

 

Father, your officers treated us as friends embarked on a common cause with them, acting against a common enemy, and we felt honored and felt an emulation not to be out done in all the offices of friendly communication; but we have now to state to our father that a great many white young Warriors, not feeling the ties that should bind them and make them strong by principles of subordination to their officers, and feeling liberty in the extreme, it relaxed into licentiousness, and they destroyed our Cattle, sheep, and hogs, and in some instances our horses, for mere sport or prejudice founded only on the differences in shades of complexion.  [13]

 

 

To John Lowery, John Walker, Major Ridge, Richard Taylor, Ross and Cheucunsenee

          Knoxville 10^th January 1816

Brothers, the next object will require your attention is the spoliations committed on the property of our people in that part of our country where the armies marched in carrying on the war against the Creeks.

Some times the necessities of the troops may perhaps be plead as an excuse for the marauding & plundering of our property: but the principle cause of these depredations & excesses may we believe be attributed to a licentious disposition increased by the remains of ancient & long indulged and prejudices & insubordination in the men composing the ranks, & inexperience in the officers commanding the militia corps.  Many of our people are exceedingly distressed by the destruction of their domestic animals and in some instance by having their houses rifled, that part of our Country cannot recover its former states in seven years & some never will.         

I wish not to exaggerate, I only wish to have a candid examination of the claims exhibited - and will just observe that I flatter myself that the Cherokees will be considered by the Government as deserving well in our common Country.  We apply for redress to a Government that will not submit to oppression or suffer it to be inflicted on their friends.

Nanohetahee  [Path Killer]  [14]

 

 

Cherokees to Crawford –

General Coffee, it appears, is disposed to run the line inconsistent with justice towards our Country.  We have  pointed out to you the lands we justly claim and we hope you will no longer delay to make a definitive settlement thereof agreeably to justice, our legal right. . . .  You have also applied to us for the lands on the North side of Tennessee River in behalf of the State of Tennessee, we also inform you that it is not desirable to our nation to dispose of it.  [15]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Colo. Return J. Meigs,
Cherokee Agency

 

Department of War, May 27th, 1816

Sir,

The Senators and representatives from Tennessee, before the adjournment of Congress, presented an address to the President, urging the expediency of extinguishing the Cherokee title to the lands north of the Tennessee, within the limits of that state.  As there is no game upon the lands, and I believe, no Indians settled upon it, but colo. Lowry, it would appear to be their interest to sell it for a fair consideration.  By giving Lowry a present, equal to the value of his possessions, it is probable, that a purchase can be effected of all their lands to the north of the river.  The President desires, that you shall make every exertion to obtain this cession at their next national council.  To enable you to effect this, you are authorised to give them, either by way of annuity, or to be paid at one or more payments after the ratification, the sum of Twenty thousand dollars, and to distribute presents among them to the amount of five thousand dollars; and to Lowry, the value of his possessions north of the Tennessee river.  It will be proper to ascertain the relative value of the lands belonging to Tennessee, compared with that in the Mississippi territory, as the state of Tennessee ought and must pay her proportion of it.

Major Walker, in private conversation told me, that he thought the Cherokee nation would sell the land which we attempted to purchase last winter.  It is deemed expedient to make the effort.  You are therefore authorised to offer them for their claim to the lands lying west of a line to be run due south from that point on the Tennessee river which is intersected by the Eastern boundary of Madison County, to the line agreed upon by the late treaty, an annuity of six thousand dollars a year in perpetuity.  Considering that the most of this land is claimed by the Chickasaws, and that there is little or no game upon it, there is some reason to believe, that this offer will not be rejected by the nation, in their grand council.

The President calculates upon the exercise of all your influence in effecting these objects. No commissioner will be appointed, as it is deemed inexpedient to make an impression upon them, that we are extremely solicitous to obtain the cessions in question.

I have the honor to be, Your most obedt. & very humble servant,
Wm H. Crawford   [16]

 

 

Cherokee Agency 29 Aug. 1816

Te to nes kee states & complains that the Tennessee Militia encamped two days in his field in November 1815 on the Tennessee river & that they killed fourteen of his hogs, & he found their skins & heads after the Militia had gone down the river.

 

6 Hogs large ones at 5$ each                                  30.00

4 do smaller...at 3$...                                                18.00

4 at smaller....at 1$..                                                   4.00

                                                                                 $52.00

Te to nes keex mark
 
witness
Lewis Ross   [17]

 

 

 

 

 

Treaty of September 14, 1816                                            In consideration to such cession    the United States agree to pay     an annuity of $6,000 for ten     years and the sum of $5,000     within sixty days after the     ratification of the treaty.                                                    Land ceded: 3.133 sq. miles