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17. Insatiable Rage

 

 

 

 

At the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, the victorious United States rewarded the soldiers who had participated in the war with individual grants of western land secured from the defeated British and their Indian allies.  The resulting rush to claim and settle that land perpetuated the long ongoing conflict between the Cherokees and whites on the borders between the two nations.  Some of the politically powerful became land speculators and some land speculators became politically powerful.

 

 

Dragging Canoe to Shawnee Delegation –

We cannot forget the talk you brought to this Nation some years ago, which was to take up the hatchet against the Virginians.  We heard and listened to your talk with attention and before the time that was appointed to lift it, we took it up and struck the Virginians.  Our Nation was alone and surrounded by them.  They were numerous and their hatchets were sharp.  After we had lost some of our best warriors, we were forced to leave our towns and corn to be burned by them, and now we live in the grass as you see us.  But we are not yet conquered, and to convince you that we have not thrown away your talk, here are four strings of wampum that we received from you when you came before as messengers to our Nation.  [1]

 

Richard Henderson –

Sept. 12, 1779

The Virginia commissioners, Dr. Walker and Major Daniel Smith, who from some inaccurate observations before we came had given out in speeches that the Long Island would be miles within Virginia, and thereby had blown up the inhabitants with hopes of great extension of territory, are brought to bed.  Indeed the people here in general look as if they had lately miscarried, and hourly are making applications for land from our company.  Men who two years ago were clamorous against Richard Henderson and Company, and damning their title, are now with pale faces haunting our camp and begging our friendship with regard to their land.  [2]

 

Old Tassel -

Your people from Nolichucky are daily pushing us out of our lands.  We have no place to hunt on.  Your people have built houses one day's walk from our towns.  We don’t want to quarrel with our elder brother.  We therefore hope our elder brother will not take our lands from us that the Great Man above gave us.  He made us, and He made you.  We are all His children, and we hope our elder brother will take pity upon us and not take from us the lands our Father gave us, because he is stronger than we are.

We are the first people that ever lived in this land.  It is ours.  Why will our elder brother take it away from us?  It is true that some time past some people from over the Great Water persuaded our young men to do some mischief to our elder brother, which our principal men were sorry for, but you, our elder brother, came to our towns and took satisfaction, and then sent for us to come in and treat with you, which we did.  We have done nothing to offend our elder brother since the last treaty, and why should our elder brother quarrel with us?  We hope you will take pity on your younger brother and send Colonel Sevier, who is a good man, to have all your people moved off our land. [3]

 

Judge David Campbell –

No people are entitled to more land than they can cultivate.  People will not sit still and starve for land while a neighboring Nation has more than it needs.

 

John Sevier –

It is unthinkable to put these people to such inconvenience on account of a few miserable savages who would not be noticed but for their cruelties practiced upon our people. [4]

 

 

Brother Martin Schneider’s Journal

 

The 12^th. (January, 1784)  About 3 o'clock in the Afternoon I came to French Broad River.  I had chiefly to use the Compass for the direction of my Road, for the Footpath was not to be seen for the Snow.  Here at the River I could not find the Ford, at last it grew dark & I was just making Fire for to stay all Night, when 3 People came on Horseback, one of them brought me to the Ford which was only a quarter of a Mile from me, but quiet indiscernible on account of the Snow.  I therefore rode as far as Severe’s Island & took my Quarters on the other End of it close to the Water.  But having forgot on the other Side my Tow & dry Chips, & here being all wet, it was almost Midnight before I could cook my Supper.  The wild Geese & Swans flew about me in great Numbers.  I could scarce get any Sleep, & spent the Night in much Perplexity, for the Water grew higher & more rapid & roared beside me most frightfully.  There is also nobody living in the Neighborhood, of whom I could expect any Help, & I saw it before my Eyes that I would not get over safely but yet I believed that our Savr. could help me.   

The 13^th.  I breakfasted before break of Day, & put as few Cloathes on as possible.  With our Savr. I had quiet peculiar Conversations, viz, that I deserved his displeasure in many Ways, but I begged it as a Favour to help me thro' this Water, and his Wound proved a comforting Refuge for me, according to the Antiphone of the daily Word.  Three quarters of the Way it went very well, but now 2 large Flakes of Ice between which I must pass through, got Hold of my Horse & with a violent Current carried it down the Stream ( till into a Hole 12 or 15 Feet deep, in which but lately a Man was drowned.)  My Horse which otherwise can swim very well, could scarce keep up on account of the pointed Rocks, on which account I was several times in Water till under my Arms.  On shore there was no place for landing, because there are nothing but Rocks which are as straight as a Wall, & some are hollowed out 20 Feet deep by the violent Current.  At last I saw a little Opening between the Rocks, where to my good Fortune was also so much Ground, that my Horse could stand in the Water above his Belly.  I jumped down into the Water took my things off, & tied my Horse to a piece of Wood fastened by the Ice, & climbed through the narrow Pass, but which was too strait for my Horse, I therefore must let it stand below in the Water.  All was to me like a dream, & now I had to run 3 Miles thro' the Snow over the Hills, without Road or Path in wet Clothes till to Capt. Guest's.  But my Heart was so full of Joy & Thankfullness to our Savr. for his wonderful Help, that I forgot all difficulties.  Capt. Guest & his Family were frightened, seeing me coming without Coat, & quite covered with Ice, cared for me in a most loving Manner & gave me dry Cloathes.  Capt. Guest & another Man went to fetch my Horse out of the Water & my Things, which I had laid upon a Rock; the Horse they could not get out any other Way but by tying the Bridle to a long Pole, & in this Manner swim it to the Ford, one pulling before, & the other pushing behind.  When they returned, Capt. Guest said, that certainly nothing but God himself was my Deliverance & he could not comprehend how I had come to Shore.  Several of my things were lost, but I was glad that I got my Horse which on this fine sunshiny Day recovered pretty well.  [5]

 

 

John Lipscomb’s Journal

 

12^th Day of June 1784.  Captn Budd  Bought three hens upon the north fork of holston; we got Bacon at that place.  Came to the north fork of Holson at Colo. Bledso, then to Mr. Rise; stayed all night.

Left Rise’s Sunday morning 13 June; came ten miles to a branch near a house;  borrowed a pott & cooked the hens which had been flung away by the old Gentin, the stench being very great from the hens, but however we made our Brackfast  with the hens with a few slices of Bacon & half bushel of clabber & Butter milk; then came to Captn Thos. Aims 5 miles where we had an exceedingly good dinner with what grog we could hide; staid all night.

14 June 1784.  Staid at Captn Aimes; got Oates for our horses, whisky to drink; fared very well; in the evening kild a Bullock& had half of him.  Mr. Salisbery kild the bullock with great dexterity.  Mr. Cloud a brother traveler leaping the fence to attack the Bullock blundered and cut his hand very bad which rendered him almost an Invalid, but however there is half a prospect of his recovery.  Staid at Captn Aims all night.     

June 15^th 1784, rise early and cut the flesh off the bones of the beef and barbecued it to take us on the Journey; eat the Bones in a stew; got Rum and Whisky. Mr. Sailsbery & Roberts being the cooks & behaved exceedingly well; they got plenty, after the company all eating there was some left – One thing Omitted yesterday.  Cryer & Salisbery put Roberts hand in cold water to make him piss abed, but he awakened before it took place very angry and told them if they did the like again he would fling his left sledge hammer at them, which so alarmed them they did not attempt it.  This morning fixing for the Journey. [6]

 

 

Chief Bloody Fellow –

White men from Nolichucky are planting crops on land over the French Broad River.  As soon as the leaves grow a little, if your government does not make them move off, I will come with a party and kill every man, woman, and child that shall be found over the river. [7]

 

 

Joseph Martin to Governor Randolph of Virginia –

Mar. 25, 1785

At my arrival I found the Indians in greater confusion than I ever saw them. . . .   The Franklinites had opened a land office for all the lands between the French Broad and the Tennessee, which lands the legislature reserved to the Indians.  It includes parts of their beloved town of Chota, and several of their corn fields.

I waited on some of their leaders with a proclamation from Governor Caswell ordering them off the said lands.  Their reply was that they had knowledge enough to judge for themselves, and they should not ask North Carolina or any other power how they were to be governed.

 

Old Tassel –

We have held several treaties with the Americans when bounds were fixed and fair promises made that the white people would not come over, but we always find that after a treaty they settle much faster than before.  Truth is, if we had no land we should have fewer enemies. [8]

 

Colonel Thomas Hutchins to Governor Caswell –

The Franklinites have opened an office for the Land South of French Broad to the Banks of the Tennessee River, the Land is to be sold at 40 Shillings per hundred acres; 10 shillings in hand, and two years credit on the other 30. [9]

 

 

 

Hopewell, S.C. on the Keowee River

November 1785

 

United States Commissioners

Benjamin Hawkins

Andrew Pickens

Joseph Martin

Lachlan McIntosh

 

918 Cherokee Indians

Chief Old Tassel principal speaker

 

 

Commissioners -

Congress is now sovereign of all our country, which we point out for you on the map.  They want none of your lands or anything else which belongs to you.  As an earnest of their regard for you, we propose to enter into a treaty perfectly equal and comformable to what we now tell you.  If you have any grievances, we will hear them, and will take such measures to correct them as may be proper.  We expect you to speak your minds freely, and look upon us as representatives of your father and friend, the President, who will see justice done you.

 

Old Tassel -

They, the People of North Carolina, have taken our lands without  consideration; and are now making their fortunes out of them. I know Richard Henderson says he purchased the lands at Kentucky, and as far as Cumberland, but he is a rogue and a liar, and if he was here I would tell him so.  He requested us to sell him a little land on the Kentucky River for his horses and cattle to feed on, and we consented; but told him at the same time he would be much exposed to the depradations of the Northern Indians, which he appeared not to regard, provided we gave our consent.  If Attakullakulla signed his deed, we were not informed of it; but we know that Oconostota did not, yet we hear his name is to it.  Henderson put it there, and he is a rogue.

 

Commissioners –

You know, Old Tassel that Colonel Henderson, Oconostota, and the Little Carpenter are all dead.  What you say may be true, but here is one of Henderson’s deeds.  Your memory may fail you, but this is of record, and will remain forever.  The parties being dead, and so much time having elapsed, and the country being settled upon the faith of the deed, puts it our of our power to do anything respecting it; you must, therefore, be content with it, as if you had actually sold the land, and point out your claims exclusive of this land.

 

Old Tassel -

I know they are dead, and I am sorry for it, and I suppose it is now too late to recover it.  If Henderson were living, I should have the pleasure of telling him that he was a liar.  We will begin at the Cumberland, and say nothing more about Kentucky, although it is justly ours.

In the forks of French Broad and Holston are three thousand white people on our lands.  That is a favored spot and we cannot give it up.  It is within twenty-five miles of our towns.  These people must be removed.

 

Commissioners -

They are too numerous, and can not be removed.  They settled there when the Cherokees were under the protection of the King of England.  You should have asked the King to remove them.

 

Old Tassel -

Is not Congress, which conquered the King of England, strong enough to remove these people? [10]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Journal of Bishop Francis Asbury

 

Monday, 28 [April 1788].  After getting our horses shod, we made a move for Holston, and entered upon the mountains; the first of which I called steel, the second stone, and the third iron mountain; they are rough and very difficult to climb.  We were spoken to on our way by most awful thunder and lightning, accompanied by heavy rain.  We crept for shelter into a little dirty house, where filth might have been taken from the floor with a spade.  We felt the want of fire, but could get little wood to make it, and what we gathered was wet.  At the head of Watauga we fed, and reached Ward's that night.  Coming to the river next day, we hired a young man to swim over for the canoe, in which we crossed, while our horses swam to the other shore.  The waters being up we were compelled to travel an old road over the mountains.  Night came on – I was ready to faint with a violent headache – the mountain was steep on both sides.  I prayed the Lord for help.  Presently a profuse sweat broke out upon me, and my fever entirely subsided. [11]

 

 

Huston's Station July 8th 1788

 

To the Inhabitants in General:

Yesterday we crossed the Tennessee with a small party of men and destroyed a town called Toquo.  On our return we discovered large trails of Indians making their way toward this place.  We are of the opinion their number could not be less than five hundred.  We beg to recommend that every station be on guard; that also every good man that can be spared will voluntarily turn out and repair to this place with the utmost expedition, in order to tarry for a few days in the neighborhood and repel the enemy if possible.  We intend awaiting at this place for some days with the few men now with us, as we cannot reconcile it to our feelings to leave a people who appear to be in such great distress.

John Sevier.

James Hubbard.

N. B. It will be necessary for those who will be so grateful as to come to the assistance of this place to furnish themselves with a few days provisions, as the inhabitants of these parts are greatly distressed by the Indians.

J. S.

J. H.[12]

 

 

Sullivan County, July 9, 1788.

Gen. Joseph Martin,

Dear Sir:

I received yours of the 14^th of June, and am sorry to hear that you entertain the least doubt of being back in time to go on the expedition.  Our country is in a most distressed condition.  I enclose for your satisfaction a letter from Colonel Hutchins in which is a clause relating in part to Sevier’s conduct, which has so exasperated the Indians that the whole body of them is now at war with us.

There has been a considerable number of persons killed on the frontiers since you left; at which Sevier marched against a town at Hiwassee, with 102 men; surprised the Indians, killed a number of them, which so raised him in the esteem of the people on the frontier that they began to flock to his standard.

The next push was to Chilhowie, the relation of which you have enclosed.  He then desired to go against the Chickamaugas, but when the time came he was unable, for the severity of the Indians and the disaffection of the inhabitants in consequence of such barbarity in the murder of Old Tassel and other chiefs.  This has reduced him to his former situation, where he remains.

Your presence was never wanted more than on this occasion.  A number of the people say you are the Indian’s friend, and they warrant we will not see you until the campaign is over, while your friends assert the contrary.  Your conduct at this crisis will consummate your character in this country.  I need not point our to you the bad consequences of your not being on time.  I forsee a conplication of evils, and I presume if you will reflect a moment you will easily determine, as necessity rules all other considerations.  I am, sir, with every mark of esteem, your obedient servant.

George Maxwell  [13]

 

 

To Mr. John Sevier and Joseph Martin,

and to you the inhabitants of the New State:

We would wish to inform you of the accident that happened at Gillespie's Fort, concerning the women and children that were killed in the battle.  The Bloody Fellow's talk is, that he is here now upon his own ground.  He is not like you are, for you kill women and children and he does not.  He had orders to do it, and to order them off the land, and he came and ordered them to surrender, and they should not be hurt, but they would not, and he stormed it and took it.  For you beguiled the Head man that was your friend and wanted to keep the peace, The Old Tassel, but you began it, and this is what you get for it.  When you move off the land then we will make peace and give up the women and children; and you must march off in thirty days.  Five thousand men is our number.

Bloody Fellow

Categisky

John Watts

  Glass  [14]

 

James Seagrove to President Washington -

It is to be regretted that the insatiable rage of our frontier brethren for extending their limits cannot be checked and kept within the bounds set for them by the general government.  The United States, like most countries, is unfortunate in having the worst of people on her frontiers, where there is the least energy to be expected in civil government, and where, unless supported by military force, civil authority becomes a nullity.  [15]

 

John Sevier -

Amongst the wounded is the brave General McCarter.  While taking the scalp of an Indian, he was tomahawked by another, whom he afterwards killed with his own hands.  Death presented itself on all sides in shocking scenes.

We have buried 145 of their dead, and by the blood we have traced for miles all over the woods, it is supposed the greater part of them retreated with wounds.  [16]

 

 

Andre Michaux’s Journal

 

December 2, 1788.  I left the confluence of the Tugaloo River and the Kiwi, going up the Tugaloo.  Slept at the home of Larkin Cleveland, Esquire. 19 miles.

The 3rd.  I crossed the Tugaloo at the only place used for fording.  It was so dangerous that two of our horses were in danger of being drowned.  I had breakfast with John Cleveland on the other side of the river.  I was told that I would not meet with anymore settlements.  I crossed through country completely covered with forest like all the southern provinces, but it was very hilly.  I slept on the ground at Seneca.  19 miles.

December 6, 1788.  I set out for the mountains and slept with my guide by an Indian village.  The chief of this village received us cordially.  He told us that his son, who was to return from hunting that evening, would guide us into the mountains, to the source of the Kiwi; but he did not return, and this old man, who seemed about seventy, offered himself to accompany me.  This man, who was born in a village near the source of this river, knew the mountains perfectly, and I hoped that his son would not come back.  He had a supper served to us of stewed deer meat and bread made of corn meal and sweet potatoes.  I ate with my guide, who served as my interpreter.  The chief ate with his wife at another bench.  The mother of his wife, and his two daughters, one married and the youngest about 14 or 15, sat around the cooking pot where the meat was cooking.  These ladies were naked down to the waist, having no other clothing than a single skirt.

Sunday, December 7th.  The mistress of the house roasted some corn in an earthen pot, using sifted coals, then when it was a little more than half roasted the corn was retrieved and taken to a mortar, and , after it was pounded, it was sifted to seperate the fine corn meal, which was put into sacks for us to carry.  When one is tired, one puts about three spoonfuls in a glass of water, often with brown sugar.  This drink, besides being very agreeable, is a restorant, immediately renewing one's strength.  The savages never undertake a journey without a supply of this meal. . . . We camped on the bank of the Kiwi at the foot of the mountains among two kinds of rhododendron, Kalmia, Azalea, ect, ect.

December 8th, 1788.  The nearer we approach the source of the Kiwi, the more difficult becomes the way.  Our journey was . . . and two miles before arriving I recognized the mountain magnolia, which has been called Magnolia cordata or auriculota by Bartram.  There was at this place a little cabin inhabited by a family of Cherokee Indians.  We stopped to camp there, and I hurried out to explore.  I gathered a new serrate-leafed plant spreading over the mountainside near the river.  The weather changed and it rained all night.  Although we were under the cover of a great white pine, our clothes and blankets were drenched and soaked through.  About midnight I went into the Indian cabin, which could hardly hold the family of eight people, men and women.  There were also six great dogs, who increased the dirt and discomfort of this shelter.  The fire was in the middle, without any opening in the ceiling to let out the smoke.  There was, however, enough opening to let in the rain through the roof to the house.  An Indian offered me his bed, which was a bear skin, and came to my place near the fire, but, disturbed by the dogs which were continually biting each other to gain their places by the fire, I returned to our camp the rain having stopped.  This spot which is called the source of the Kiwi, is improperly named.  It is the junction of two other rivers or big streams which join here but have not been named except as branches of the Kiwi.

The 9th.  We set out, guided by my Indian, to visit the highest mountains, and to go to the source of the stream, which seemed to be the most precipitious.. We had to negotiate cliffs and streams overhanging with trees where ten times our horses were thrown down and were in danger of perishing.  We climbed up to a waterfall, where the noise of the falls resembled distant gunfire.  The Indians say that at night fires appear here.  I wanted to camp here but, because of the snow which had begun to fall, and the cold wind, we sought out the more sheltered foot of the mountain where there was pasturage for our horses.  The night was horribly cold.  There was no pine wood to feed the fire which burned badly because of the snow which kept falling.  Our blankets, coverd with snow, became stiff with ice soon after being warmed.

The 11th.  There was a hard freeze.  The air was clear and very sharp.  I noticed a range of high mountains which streched from west to east where there was less snow and ice because of the southern exposure.  I gathered a creeping juniper, which I had not seen before in the southern part of the United States.  But it should be noted that I saw in these parts several other such northern trees as river beech, blue dogwood, white pine, balsam, ect.  We traveled three miles through an unbroken grove of Rhododendron maximum.  I camped with my guides at the head of the Kiwi; and gathered a great quantity of the toothed leaf plant found the day I arrived.  I did not see it on any of the other mountains.  The Indians here say that these leaves have a great taste, when chewed, and an agreeable scent, when crushed, which indeed I found correct. [17]

 

 

Secretary of War Knox to President Washington –

The Indians being prior occupants, possess the right to soil.  It cannot be taken from them unless by their free consent. . . . To dispossess them in any other principle would be a gross violation of the fundamental laws of nature, and of that distributive justice which is the glory of a nation. . . .

As the population shall increase and approach the Indian boundaries, game will be diminished and new purchases of Indian land made for small considerations.  This has been and probably will be the inevitable consequence of cultivation.  [18]

 

The disgraceful violation of the Treaty of Hopewell with the Cherokee Indians requires the serious consideration of Congress.  If so direct and manifest a contempt for the authority of the United States be suffered with impunity, it will be vain to attempt to extend the arm of government to the frontiers.  Indian tribes can have no faith in such imbecile promises, and lawless whites will ridicule a government which shall make Indian treaties and regulate Indian boundaries, on paper only.

How different would be the sensation to reflect that instead of exterminating a part of the human race by our modes of population, we had persevered . . .  and imparted to the aborigines our knowledge.  But it has been conceived to be impracticable to civilize the Indians of North America.  The opinion is probably more convenient than just.  [19]

 

Benjamin Hawkins to William Blount –

If  you should but attempt so enormous a grasp in the present situation of affairs as all the lands on the North side of the Tennessee, you will rouse the resentment of the Cherokees, give serious alarm to the Chickasaws and risk cause of suspicion to the Creeks and Choctaws, a part of those lands are considered as a sort of common property, among the hunters of all these nations.  –They will suppose you are favoring the great land companies who are aspiring to the possession of all their lands, and why do this when in my opinion no possible advantage can result from it? . . . You know how reluctantly the Indians part with their lands and when the Commissioners in 1785 labored to induce them to give up those lying between the fork of the French broad and Holstein, they refused positively and appealed to the justice of Congress.  [20]

 

President Washington to the Senate –

August 11, 1790

. . . not withstanding the said treaty and proclamation, upwards of five hundred families have settled on Cherokee land. [21]

 

Benjamin Hawkins to Cherokee Chiefs –

You may depend upon my taking great care of your interests and those of the white people.  I know no difference between you, you live on the same land and are intitled to equal rights, and must live as friends and brothers, and it is my particularly duty to see justice is equally distributed among you.  [22]

 

 

 

 

Treaty of Holston - July 1791

 

John Watts -

I know that the North Carolina people are headstrong.  Under the sanction of a flag of truce, they laid low my Uncle, Old Tassel.  It is vain for us to contend about a line.  The North Carolina people will have their way, and will not observe the orders of Congress or anyone else.  I wonder that you, Governor Blount, should be appointed to settle such a manner, being a North Carolinian.  When you North Carolinians make a line, you tell us it is a standing one, but you are always encroaching on it and we cannot depend upon what you say.  We will, notwithstanding, make you an offer of the line.

 

Governor Blount –

The lands were taken from the Cherokees in time of war, and I do not consider the settlements to be encroachments.

You know Bloody Fellow that the Americans drove the English from this country, and the land has been purchased with American blood.

 

Bloody Fellow -

It is true that the English were driven from the country, but the French assisted the Americans to do it, and the English had to come a long way to fight.  There is no good purpose to be gained by bring that up now.  Such things ought to be buried.

 

Is the little handful of goods all you intend to give us for the lands?  If so, it is nothing equal to the value of them.

 

Governor William Blount -

The goods are not to pay for the land, but are for presents.  The $1000.00 per year is to pay for the lands.

 

Bloody Fellow -

A thousand dollars will not by a breech clout for each of my Nation.

 

Governor William Blount -

The game on the land is all destroyed and the country settled, and the land can therefore be of no use to you.

 

Bloody Fellow -

It is true the land is settled, but the white people settled it without our permission.  [23]

 

 

ARTICLE. 14. That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to become herdsmen and cultivators, instead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish gratuitously the said nation with useful implements of husbandry.  And further, to assist the said nation in so desirable a pursuit, and at the same time to establish a certain mode of communication, the United States will send such and so many, persons to reside in said nation, as they may judge proper, and not exceeding four in number, who shall qualify themselves to act as interpreters.  These persons shall have lands assigned them by the Cherokees for cultivation, for themselves and their successors in office; but they shall be precluded exercising any kind of traffic.  [24]