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15. Rebellion

 

 

On the eve of the Revolutionary War the British and the Cherokees found themselves allied against a common enemy.  The rebellious Americans sought both freedom from British rule and Cherokee land.

 

 

The Raven of Chocto to Henry Stuart –

Second day of May, 1776

You have been told that we disposed of our land contrary to the advice and desire of our father and our repeated promises to him.  'Tis true, we suffered the people who first settled themselves on our land on Watauga to remain there some years, they paying us annually in guns, blankets and rum, ect.  But we are informed lately that they gave out publicly that we sold the land to them forever and gave them a paper for it.  If they have a paper of this kind, it is of their own making, for we have never given them any, as it was contrary to our thoughts.  Now, we look upon you as our father, and rejoice that you are here, and desire that you will write to the white people of Watauga, Nanachucket and all the other that settled this side of the great boundary line, which was marked at the desire of the Great King, to move to some other land within the white people's bounds.  We hope and wish that they may hear and prevent any mischief that may happen between them and our people, many of whom we find uneasy already for the recovery of their hunting ground.  [1]

 

 

The Deputy Superintendent Mr Henry Stuart's Account of his Proceedings with the Cherokee Indians about going against the whites.

 

I was informed of the arrival of Chincanacina (Dragging Canoe) a Leader of the Cherokees at Mobille.  I thought this a very fortunate circumstance as we had not heard from their Nation for many months and as we were at that time entirely ignorant of the situation of affairs among them.  I immediately set out for Mobille that I might have some conversation with him and I found that on my arrival his only Business was to enquire into the cause of the present quarrel and disorders in the Colonies and the Reason why their supplies of Ammunition and goods (which were formerly brought from Georgia and Carolina) were stopt.  He told me that their Nation was under very great apprehensions and uneasiness and complained much of the encroachments of the Virginians and Inhabitants of North Carolina; he said that they were almost surrounded by the White People, that they had but a small spot of ground left for them to stand upon and that it seemed to be the Intention of the White People to destroy them from being a people. . . .

I told him that I was very sorry for the Encroachemnts that were made on their Lands by the Virginians but that they were made contrary to the Kings Orders, that affairs were in such a situation at this time that they seemed to trample on his Authority and that we could not do anything with them but that we hoped that things would not continue long so.  I put him in mind that they themselves were to blame for making private Bargains for their Lands contrary to all the Talks that they had received from you and Mr Cameron, that they had frequently been told not to suffer any person to settle nor even to hunt beyond the Boundary Line which was run to divide them from the White People and to prevent any future Quarrels, that they had often been told that when they found any people hunting or settling beyond the Lines that they would never be found fault with if they took away their Effects and Burned their Houses.  He made answer that he had no hand in making these Bargains but blamed some of their Old Men who he said were too old to hunt and who by their Poverty had been induced to sell their Land but that for his part he had a great many young fellows that would support him and they were determined to have their Land.

I told him that I was to proceed with the Ammunition to their Nation and that I should then see how matters were, but I could say nothing more at present.  My first Intention was to have proceeded with the Ammunition through the Creek Nation on to the Cherokees. . . .

I had a very tedious Journey to Tenassy River owing to the badness of the weather but I found Chincanacina with about Eighty Indians waiting for me with greater Patience than I could have expected. I met at the Tenassy with some White People who had come down the River in order to settle on the Mississippi.  I found that the Indians had been making some Enquiries at those People about the Settlers on Watoga beyond the Boundary Line and in other places in their Neighborhood; they told them that they seemed to encrese fast and that they talked of building or had already built a Fort on the Cherokee Land  at they mouth at Watoga River.  We proceeded on our Voyage up the Tenassy, Capt. Quest [Guest] accompanied me, he was very well acquainted with the new Settlements and informed me that the Settlers were very numerous.  I found that the Indians constantly discoursed about them to me and their firm resolution to drive them off.  I asked them how long the White People had been settled there, they told me about seven years.  I said they might easily have been prevented in the beginning, but now their attempting to drive them off might be attended with very bad consequences that altho' I wished to see those People off their Land I did not wish to see Blood spilt, that there were many poor people among them who thought that they lived on Lands fairly purchased and I should be very sorry if they were hurt, but that when they came to know their mistake that they would remove; that I would write to them as soon as I arrived in the Nation and encourage them to go down the Mississippi and that I thought they would pay regard to my letter. . . .

We met some Indians who acquainted us that they had received some very insulting messages from the People of Wataga and that they had threatened to put Mr Cameron to death . . . by the time we arrived in the Nation nothing was talked of but War. . . . We found that one Scalp had already been brought into the Great Island and that a small party was fitting out for the same Town which we found means to prevent.

A few days after my arrival in the Nation I assembled the Headmen from the different parts of the Nation.  I acquainted them that I had brought them a small supply of Ammunition to relieve their present necessity and to enable them to hunt and supply their families; that the King had ordered that while they continued firm to him and minded the Talks that you and Mr Cameron gave them that they should never be suffered to want; That altho' the Rebells had shut up the communication with Georgia and Carolina that there were other paths that would be opened for their Trade as long as they behaved well; That since the King was so mindful of them, that he expected if he should ask their help in bringing his obstinate Children to reason that they will be ready to give it. . . .  Mr Cameron who had lived so long among them (till he had almost become one of themselves) would be always with them to advise to whatever was for their good; I hoped they would always listen to him.  If they had done so constantly there would not be that uneasiness in their Nation; that you had heard of their making Bargains for their Land and that it gave great uneasiness.  I told them that I understood that a Party was actually preparing to go out to War from the Great Island and that I hoped they would stop them from taking a step that would doubtless involve their Nation in Ruin; that there were may poor ignorant people on their Lands who were made to believe that the Lands were legally purchased and that they thought the Cherokees had no objection to their Settling them; That I had promised to write to them provided it was agreeable to the Chiefs and would make them such offers and State Matters in such a manner to them as I did not doubt would induce many if not all of them to remove; That if they should attack these people that they themselves had been the means of bringing on their Land they would draw on themselves the Resentment of every body. 

In answer the Indians congratulated me on my safe arrival in their Nation; . . . That if any attempts were made by the Rebells to take Mr Cameron or any of the King’s people out of the Nation they would defend them with their Lives and the Rebells must stand to the consequences of their making such an attempt.  They said they did not like to spill the blood of the white people but if they attempted to carry away their people who lived among them they could not avoid it. . . . They then gave another and told me that you had been misinformed with regard to their giving away the Lands for Watoga and Nonatluchky.  (They took care to avoid saying anything of Henderson’s purchase).  They said that when Mr Cameron ran the line of Virginia there were people who had set themselves down on this side of the Boundary Line; they were ordered to remove off but they begged as their crops were then on the ground that they might be allowed to reap them and that they would certainly remove the Spring following; some of them went away but others and more people came in their room; they at last brought goods and prevailed on some of their people to give leases; that many of them were against their staying on the Land, But that the people who brought the goods told them that they would stay on the land whether they took the goods or not and now that the time has expired which they had to stay on the land, they pretend that they purchased it.  They begged that Mr Cameron and I would write to them and send their talk and desire them to remove immediately and prevent further trouble.  Some of the Traders who were present at these transactions affirm this to be a true state of the case and that they believe that under pretense of taking Leases and Receipts for Rent they had got deeds signed.  We immediately dispatched one Issac Thomas with the inclosed letter and this talk to the Inhabitants of Watoga and Notatluchky. 

He returned to us in ten days and brought us the enclosed letter signed by John Carter and one signed Aaron Pinson, in the name of the Inhabitants of Nonatluchky, expressing their gratitude to us for writing to them and acquainting them with the Intentions of the Indians; their letter is full of professions of Loyalty, and they tell us that they have no Intention of continuing on the lands but untill times alter that they may return to the Provinces from whence they fled to avoid the present troubles, and they intreat us to point out any place they may retire to for a little time.  Issac Thomas informed us that our letter had been read before all the Inhabitants, but that he was told by one of them that one Jessy Benson was employed by Carter to transcribe our letter, which was very different from the original, and that it was sent to one of the Committees in Virginia. . . .

The Indians agreed to return an answer to . . . John Carter's accompanied with a string of White Beads.  They said they remembered they had given them leave to sit down on their Lands for a certain time, but that the time was now elapsed, but they insisted that they never sold any Land.  The goods they remembered very well to have received, but they were received as a payment for the Deer and Buffaloe they had destroyed, For the Houses they had built on their hunting Grounds and Fields they had planted and for the Grass that their Horses and Cattle had eat; that they had drove away all their Deer and Buffaloe, and that now they were obliged to go a great way to look for victuals for their Families.  They said that they sent once more in a Friendly manner to the people settled on their Lands to desire them to remove and they hoped they would comply with their request, as they said they had no inclination to do them any injury, and as the time first fixed for their departure was rather short they gave them Twenty days longer.

The people of Watogo requested that Isaac Thomas might be sent back with the Indians Answer to them.  We sent for Thomas and desired he would go to the new Settlements again with our Second Letter and the Talk from the Indians.  [2]

 

 

Henry Stuart to the people at Watauga

May 9^th 1776

GENTLEMEN - Some time ago Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indians respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on the Rivers Wattage, Nollichuckey, &c.  We are since informed that you are under great apprehensions of the Indians doing mischief immediately.  But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the Indians, on his liege subjects . . . I have thought it fit to recommend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty King George, and that they are ready and willing, whenever they are called on, to appear in arms in defense of the British right in America; which paper, as soon as it is signed and sent to me, by safe hand, should any of the inhabitants be desirous of knowing how they are to be free from every kind of insult and danger, inform them, that his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw Nation, where five hundred warriors of each nation is to join them, and then come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then take possession of the frontiers of North-Carolina and Virginia. . . .

I am yours, &c.,

Henry Stuart

 

Robert Dews -

The Cherokees have received a letter from Cameron, that the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws are to join against Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina and Virginia; also that Captain Stuart had gone up the Mississippi with goods, ammunition, &c., for the northern nations to cause them to fall on the people of the frontier.

 

 

Wm. Preston -

 Finecastle, Virginia, June 3^rd, 1776

Gentlemen:  The news is really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies of American liberty who reside among them.  But I cannot conceive that you have anything to fear from their pretended invasion by British troops, by the route they mention.  This must, in my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be able to effect. . . .

I have written . . . for 200 lbs. of lead, which I hope he will deliver the bearer. This supply I hope will be some relief to your distressed settlement, and as I said before, should more be wanted I am convinced you may be supplied. . . . should it please Providence that the impending storm should blow over, and there would be no occasion to use the ammunition in the general defense, then it might be sold out to individuals, and the expense of the whole reimbursed to those who so generously contributed towards the purchase.

 

John Sevier –

Fort Lee, July 11, 1776

Dear Gentlemen:  Issac Thomas, Wm. Falling, Jarot Williams and one more, have this moment come in by taking their escape from the Indians, and say six hundred Indians and whites are to start for this fort, and intend to drive the country up to New River before they return.

 

 

 

The deposition of Jarret Williams, Fincastle, Virginia, August 13, 1776

 

That he left the Cherokee Nation on Monday night the 8th inst. (July); that the part of the Nation called Over-hills, were then preparing to go to war against the frontiers of Virginia, having purchased to the amount of 1000 skins, or thereabouts, for mockasons.  They are also beating flour for the march and making other warlike preparations.  Their number, from calculations made by the Raven Warrior, amounts to about six hundred warriors; and, according to the deponent’s idea, he thinks they may expect a general attack every hour. . . .   Alexander Cameron informed them that he had concluded to send Captain Nathaniel Guest, William Faulin, Issac Williams and the deponent, with the Indians, till they came near to Nonachucky; then the Indians were to stop, and Guest and the other whites, above mentioned, were to go to see if there were any of the King's men among the inhabitants; and if they found any they were to take them off to the Indians, or have a white signal in their hands, or otherwise to distinguish them.  When this was done they were to fall on the inhabitants, and kill and drive off all they possibly could.  [3]

 

John Stuart, Indian Agent, to Lord Germain –

Pensacola 23^rd August 1776

A Great number of Families wishing to avoid the calamities of a rancorous Civil War have migrated from the different Provinces to seek bread and peace in those remote deserts and a very extensive and populous settlement is made upon Lands pretended to have been purchased by one Henderson a Lawyer from South Carolina situated between Holstein River and the Ohio.  Similar settlements have been made upon Watoga and Holstein's River of many hundred families all which are beyond the Boundary Lines stipulated by Treaties.  Mr Cameron endeavoured to quiet the minds of the Indians upon account of these encroachments by assurances that as soon as peace should take place Justice should be done them but they became exceeding alarmed by seeing a Row of stockaded Forts 15 miles distant from each other erected by the Rebels along their Frontiers and at a small distance from their Towns.  They saw the back Inhabitants in Rebellion and everywhere in arms, the friends of the Government distressed disarmed and drawn from their houses many of whom were pursued by the Rebells into their Towns whither they had fled for shelter and protection.  The Indians at last flew to arms attacked, killed and took prisoners many of the pursuing parties.  Altho’ Mr Cameron was in constant danger of assassination and the Indians were threatened with invasion should they dare to protect him, Yet still he found means to prevent their falling upon the settlement.  [4]

 

The Deputy Superintendent Mr Henry Stuart's Account of his Proceedings with the Cherokee Indians about going against the whites.

 

We thought proper to assemble all the White People in the Nation and to tender to them the Oath of Allegiance.  The White People in the Overhills took it very readily, and fifteen of them with Willanawaw and three other Indians set out with Mr Cameron next day for the Valley. . . .

The Indians were all very inquisitive to know what Intelligence we received from the Settlements which we always took care to communicate with that degree of Caution that we thought it deserved.  About the time we were preparing to send Thomas a second time to Watoga four young fellows set out in a private manner from the Great Island and on the Road from Henderson's purchase, waylaid some passengers and brought in a Scalp; they brought in some letters which were found in the persons pockets who was killed; they brought them to us.  They proved to be from some poor industrious people from North Carolina who had settled with a few cattle on Henderson's purchase, encouraging their Friends to come and settle in that new Country.

The principal Indians did not at all approve of the behaviour of the young fellows of the Island venturing out without the consent of the Nation.  The sixteen days appointed for Thomas's and the Indians return were not fully expired, but no accounts of either.  The Indians now began to be uneasy; they allowed two days more at the end of which if they did not return they should conclude that some unlucky accident had befallen their people and they would set out to look for them.  The young fellows began now to be impatient and to be apprehensive that an army was preparing to come against them; while they were in this turn of mind a Deputation of fourteen Indians with a Cherokee fellow as interpreter arrived from the Northern Nations.  They consisted of some from the Confederate Nations and from the Mohawks, Ottowas, Nantucas, Shawnees and Delawares.  We were sent for to Chote the day that they made their Entrance; they came in all black.  They gave an account of their Journey and the news which served sufficiently to intimate their Errand.  They said they had been seventy days on their Journey; that when they attempted to pass through that Country from Pittsburg to their Nation, which but very lately used to be the Shawnees and Delawares hunting grounds (where they used to see nothing but Deer Bear and Buffaloe), they found the Country thickly inhabited and the people all in arms. . . . Their salt Springs and their Buffaloe grounds they said had numbers of Inhabitants and fortified places round them; That they were obliged to go down a great way on the other side of the Ohio and to take a round of near 300 Miles to avoid being discovered; that between the Cumberland Mountain and the Cherokee Nation where the road goes from the Settlements on the Ohio to Holston's River they discovered fresh Tracks of a Great Body of People with Horses and Cattle. . . .  They said that they had got all the Northern Tribes to assist them to take Satisfaction and that the French have supplied them with a great quantity of Ammunition and Arms and Provisions and have promised to support them. . . .they apprehended the 10th day from the day of their arrival for their grand Talk, when they hoped there would be people from the different parts of the Nation.  After this day every young Fellow's face in the Overhill Towns appeared Blackened, and nothing was talked of but War.  The people of Tellico and the Island were busily employed in preparing Spears, Clubs and scalping Knives.  We still continued to diswade them from their Intentions of attacking the Settlements by representing to them the dangerous consequences that were likely to follow to their Nation, the danger of making an indiscriminate attack and the impossibility of their being able without a Body of White People to join them to make any distinction. . . . All the principle chiefs assented very readily to everything but the young warriors became impatient; they said it would have been better if they had attacked the people at once without our having wrote them; that by this time they might have had the people removed from their Lands; That our Letters served only to put the Settlers on their Guard. . . . They desired that there might be no more letters wrote nor any of the people suffered to leave the Nation. . . .

The grand Talk from the Northern Indians was to have been in two days.  The standard of war was erected, the Flag Staff and Post of the Town House were painted black and red. . . . The Deputies being now assembled from the different parts of the Nation and the day being come for hearing the Grand Talk . . . those from the Great Island except Otacite & two or three men were all black, also all of the Chilhowie and Tellico people and some from every Town were blackened.  The Northern Deputies being seated they said they would now tell them what they came about and begged that they would listen with attention.

The principal Deputy for the Mohawks and six Nations began.  He produced a belt of white and purple Whampum with strings of white beads and purple Whampum fixed to it; He said he supposed there was not a man present that could not read his Talk; the back settlers of the Northern Provinces whom he termed the Long Knife had without any provocation come into one of their Towns and murdered their people and the son of their Great Beloved Man; that what was their case one day might be the case of another Nation another day; That his Nation was fighting at this time and that he was sent by them to secure the friendship of all the Nation for he considered their interest as one, and that at this time they should forget all their quarrels among themselves and turn their eyes and their thoughts one way.  The Belt was delivered to Chincanacina.

The principle Deputy of the Ottowas produced a white Belt with some purple figures; they expressed their desire of confirming a lasting bond of true friendship with all their red Brethren; that they were almost constantly at war one Nation against another, and reduced by degrees, while their common enemies were taking advantage of the situation; that they were willing & they hoped every Nation would be the same, to drop all their former quarrels and to join in one common cause, and that altho’ the Trade to their Nation and all the other Northern Nations had been stopped, that their friends, the French in Canada, had found means to supply them and would assist them.  Chincnacina received this Belt. . . .

The Talk was now to be finished by the Shawnees Deputy, formerly (as I am informed) a noted French partisan.  He produced a War Belt about 9 feet long and six inches wide of purple Whampum strewed over with vermilion.  He began with pathetically enumerating the distresses of his own and other Nations.  He complained particularly of the Virginians who after having taken away all their Lands and cruelly and treacherously treated some of their people, had unjustly brought war upon their Nation and destroyed many of their people; that in a very few years their Nation from being a great people were now reduced to a handful; that their Nation possessed Lands almost to the Sea Shore and that the red people who were once Masters of the whole Country hardly possessed ground enough to stand on; that the Lands where but lately they hunted close to their Nations were thickly inhabited and covered with Forts & armed men; that whenever a Fort appeared in their neighborhood, they might depend there would soon be Towns and Settlements; that it was plain there was an intention to extirpate them, and that he thought it better to die like men than to diminish away by inches; That their Fathers the French who seemed long dead were now alive again;  that they had supplied them plentifully with ammunition, arms and provisions and that they promised to assist them against the Virginians; that their cause was just and that they hoped the Great Being who governs everything would favor their cause; that now is the time to begin; that there is no time to be lost. . . .

The Belt was received by Cincanacina.  It was some minutes before any one got up to give his Assent which was to be done by laying hold of the Belt.  At last a Head man of Chilhowie who had long lived in the Mohawk nation and whose wife had constantly lived in Sir William Johnson’s house was the first who rose up to take the Belt from Chincancina.  He sung the war song and all the Northern Indians joined in the chorus.  Almost all the young warriors from the different parts of the Nation followed his example, though many of them expressed their uneasiness at being concerned in a war against the white people.  But the principle Chiefs, who were adverse to the measure and remember the Calamities brought on their Nation by the last war, instead of opposing the rashness of the young people with spirit, sat down dejected and silent. . . .

Next day we had a visit from Chincanacina painted black, he asked what was the reason all the Traders were preparing to go away and that I was talking of going after I had been in a great measure the means of bring trouble on them by writing to the People of Watoga.  I told him that I did not know what the Traders intended to do, but that when their lives were in danger they could not be expected to stay; that for my part I had always said that I would not stay but until I should have and answer to the Express that was sent to Mobille and that as soon as I could procure Horses I was determined to go whether the Express arrived or not; That he must know himself to be the cause if any trouble was like to come on their Nation and that it did not look well to endeavour to throw the blame off himself.  He told the Interpreter after parting with us that it was agreed among the people of his Island that if any of the white people attempted to go away to follow them but not to bring them back. . . .

The day following Chincanacina or the Dragging Canoe and all the Head Men came to Mr Cameron’s House and all the Traders were ordered to attend.  The Dragging Canoe gave promises for their safety if they staid in the Nation and hoped that they would not for the future pay any regard to idle dreams; that they considered their White People to be the same as themselves; that if any of them were inclined to join them in going to war they would be glad but that they would not insist on their going but that such as did not go to war should bring supplies and ammunition.  They gave a string of beads. . . .

Isaac Thomas informed us that there were about six thousand men in Arms on the Frontiers of Virginia and North Carolina which were intended to have gone to oppose the King's Troops but they had determined to stay and oppose the Indians; that the inhabitants of Watoga had built Forts; that they had marched some Companies to Nonatluchky and obliged the inhabitants who were friends of the Government to take an oath of neutrality and that they afterwards drum'd them out of the Settlement. . . . he declared on Oath that he was informed by several of the Inhabitants of Watoga that a letter was forged by one Jesy Benton in Mr Cameron's name and so like his hand writing that it would be impossible to know that it was a forgery; that they had given out that it was brought to the House of one Roberts in the night by a man wrapped in a blanket who immediately rode off; that it was said to contain information that 500 Creeks, 500 Choctaws, 500 Chicasaws and a Body of Troops from Pensacola with all the Cherokee Nation were immediately to fall on the Frontiers of Virginia and North Carolina; that the letter was forwarded to North Carolina and Virginia in order to engage their assistance against the Cherokees. . . .

It was in vain to talk any more of Peace, all that could now be done was to give them strict charge not to pass the Boundary Line, not to injure any of the King's faithful subjects, not to kill any women and children.  [5]

 

 

 

Brigadier General Griffith Rutherford

Salisbury District  June 14, 1776

I am under the Nessety of sending you by Express, the Allerming Condition this Contry is in, the Indians is making Grate prograce in distroying & Murdering in the frunteers of this Contry.  37, I am informed, was killed last Wednesday and Thursday on the Cuttaba River.  I am also informed that Col McDowel, 10 men & 120 women and children is Beshaged in sume kind of fort & the Indians Round them, no help to them before yesterday and they were surrounded on Wedensday.  I expect the Nex account to hear that all Destroyed.  Pray Gentelmen Consider oure Distress.  send us Plenty of Powder & I hope under God we of Sailsbury District is able to stand them, but, if you allow us to get to the Nation, I expect you will order Hilisborough District to joyn Salisbury.  Three of oure Captains is killed & one wounded.  This day I set out with what men I can Raise for the Relife of the District.  [6]

 

William Henry Drayton to Continental Commanders –

And now a word to the wise.  It is expected you make smooth work as you go – that is you cut up every Indian corn field, and burn every Indian town – and that every Indian taken shall be the slave and property of the taker; that the nation be extirpated, and the lands become the property of the public.  For my part I shall never give my voice for a peace with the Cherokee Nation upon any other terms than their removal beyond the mountains. 

 

Thomas Jefferson –

I hope that the Cherokees will now be driven beyond the Mississippi and that this in the future will be declared to the Indians as the invariable consequences of their beginning a war.  [7]

 

 

Account of the Battle Fought on the 20th of July, 1776.

On the 19^th our scouts returned, and informed us that they had discovered where a great number of Indians were making into the settlements; upon which alarm, the few men stationed at Eaton's, completed a breast-work sufficiently strong, with the assistance of what men were there, to have repelled a considerable number; sent express to the different stations and collected all the forces in one body, and the morning after about one hundred and seventy turned out in search of the enemy.  We marched in two divisions, with flankers on each side and scouts before.  Our scouts discovered upwards of twenty meeting us, and fired on them.  They returned the fire, but our men rushed on them with such violence they were obliged to make a precipitate retreat.  We took ten bundles and a good deal of plunder, and had great reason to think some of them were wounded.  This small skirmish happened on ground very disadvantageous for our men to pursue, though it was with greatest difficulty our officers could restrain their men.  A council was held, and it was thought advisable to return, as we imagined there was a large party not far off.  We accordingly returned, and had not marched more than a mile when a number, not inferior to ours, attacked us in the rear.  Our men sustained the attack with great bravery and intrepidity, immediately forming a line.  The Indians endeavored to surround us, but were prevented by the uncommon fortitude and vigilance of Capt. James Shelby, who took possession of an eminence that prevented their design.  Our line of battle extended about a quarter of a mile.  We killed about thirteen on the spot, whom, we found, and have the greatest reason to believe that we could have found a great many more, had we the time to search for them.  There were streams of blood every way; and it was generally thought there was never so much execution done in so short a time on the frontiers.  Never did troops fight with greater calmness that ours did.  The Indians attacked us with the greatest fury imaginable, and made the most vigorous efforts to surround us.  Our spies really deserved the greatest applause.  We took a great deal of plunder and many guns, and had only four men greatly wounded.  The rest of the troops are in high spirits and eager for another engagement.  We have the greatest reason to believe they are pouring in great numbers on us, and beg the assistance of our friends.

 

              James Thompson           John Cambell

              James Shelby                 William Cocke

              William Buchanan         Thomas Madison  [8]

 

 

Letter from the North Carolina Council of Safety to Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, about the Cherokee Expedition.

Halifax, Oct. 25^th, 1776

Genl Rutherford, with his whole force . . . marched from the head of Catawba River, on the 1st of Septembr, and arrived, unmolested, and undiscovered, within thirty miles of the middle settlements, -- from thence he ordered a Detachment of one thousand men, by forced Marches, against the Towns, in order to surprise the Enemy.  The Detachment, on their way, were attacked by about thirty Indians, who fired, and immediately fled, having wounded one man in the foot.  It is but justice to our Troops to observe that when they were fired on, and expected the enemy on every Side, the only contention among them was, who Should be foremost to share the danger and the promised Fight.  The Detachment without further Interruption, proceeded to the Towns, (which the Indians had evacuated before their arrival) and destroyed them.  From hence about 900 Men under the command of Genl Rutherford, who had left the main body, taking ten days provision, marched on against the Valley Settlements.  They found great Difficulties, & were much embarrassed, and for want of an intelligent pilot, crossed the Mountains at an unaccustomed place, by which means they were, to their great Mortification, disappointed of an Encounter with about 500 Indians, who were then, and had been for Several days before, lying in ambuscade on the common crossing place.  Two days after this, Colo Williamson, with the South Carolina Troops, crossing at the usual place, fell into the ambuscade, was attacked and lost twelve killed & twenty wounded, but defeated and put the Enemy to Rout, with the loss of about 14 killed.  Their loss is supposed to be much greater; but only fourteen were found upon the ground.   Genel Rutherford destroyed the greater part of the Valley Towns, killed twelve & took nine Indians, and made prisoners seven White Men, from whom he got four Negroes, a considerable Quantity of Stock & Deer Leather, about 100wt of gunpowder & 2000 of Lead, to the amount of L2500 proc. Which they were conveying to Mobile.  Colo Williamson, with the So: Carolina Forces, now joined Genl Rutherford, & having destroyed all the Towns, the corn and everything which might be of Service to the Indians, it was determined by the Commanding officers to return to their respective States, it being utterly impracticable to go against the Overhill Cherokees, the gap thro' the Mountains being impassable for an Army, in the case of Opposition.  Genl Rutherford's Army was Never opposed by any considerable body of Indians.  He lost three men only.  Mr Sharp Supposes that Many of the Indians lay concealed in the Mountains, that some had gone to the Overhills; but that the greater part had fled South Westward, to Coosawatee River, bordering on the Upper Creeks.  Should Your Army meet with any Signal Success against the Ovehills, or should they only destroy their Towns & Corn, we flatter ourselves that the Southern States will suffer no further damage this Season, from the Savages, as it will employ their whole time to provide Sustenance, & Shelter for their Squaws, & children.

We are, with the Greatest Respect

Sir Your most Obedt

& most Humble Servt

WILLIE JONES, Presid’t  [9]

 

Col. Joseph Williams –

The expedition in 1776 may be considered as the first exciting cause, in the breast of the Indians, of that awe and dread of the power of the white people which prevented an active and general co-operation on their part with the British during the Revolution; and, so far as this was the case, it certainly had a very salutary effect.  The spirit displayed by the soldiers engaged in it was a sure augury, a certain pledge of the triumph which awaited both them and their fellow-citizens in the war just then undertaken against Great Britain.  [10]