Appalachian Summit
14. Watauga
The formal establishment of a boundary line between the colonies and the Cherokees did little to abate the continuing encroachment of white hunters and settlers. Though the Cherokees tended to ignore the trespass of individual families, they were soon faced with attempts to purchase large tracts of their hunting grounds which bordered Virginia and North Carolina.
Bethabara, North
Carolina, Aug. 24, 1768.
A party of men from Orange County passed through our village. They were Regulators, and said they were going to Holston's River to look for land, --though there may be another reason. [1]
Oconostota -
We shall give no part of our land away unless we are paid for it and indeed we want to keep the Virginians at as great a distance as possible, as they are generally bad men and love to steal horses and hunt for deer. . . . what are a few goods in comparison onto good land. The land will last forever and will yearly produce corn and raise cattle. [2]
Attaattakulla –
I expect that you will inform the Governor that we are daily infested with some white Hunters from your province; but as the Boundary line is now plain, they will hunt on their own Lands; and if not, they may be compelled to do it. I have yet one more thing to tell you, and that is that a Trader who lives now below the great Island solicits us to remain there. But we cannot allow it. [3]
Bethabara, North
Carolina, Sept. 21, 1770
There were unusually many strangers in our town today, especially a number who do not wish to be under the law, and are moving to Holston River. [4]
Oconostota to John Stuart -
Father: The white people pay no attention to the talks we have had. They are in bodies hunting in the middle of our hunting grounds. Some of our people went as far as Long Island of Holston River, but were obliged to come home, for the whole nation is filling with hunters, and the guns rattling every way on the path, both up and down the river. They have settled the land a great way this side of the line. [5]
Thomas Gage, British Commander in North America –
November 10, 1770
The people want no encouragement to desert the seacoasts and go into the back country where the lands are better and got upon easier terms. They are almost already out of reach of law and government. Neither the endeavours of the government or fear of Indians has kept them properly within bounds. [6]
Alexander Cameron –
Winter 1772
I am Sorry to inform you Brothers that I have been told that the path to Virginia has been spoil’d this Winter by Some of your young Men Sheding of the Blood of White People from the Province – I make no doubt but they have been stealing of your Deer & Game from you. Contrary to the Great Kings Talk, and also the great & ruling Men of Virginia and if you had taken themselves, their guns, horses & leather, you would have been justified; but to take away lives, is what the great King will not Suffer. But when any of his Children commits a Crime, They must be examined & Tried by a Particular Sett of wise men that he hath chosen purposely for that Business & if found Guilty by Sufficient proofs, or evidence who were eye witness to any bad Acts, then Such Person or persons, so found guilty Shall be kill’d in the presence of Hundreds of People.
I need not tell you Brothers, what Conditions you Signed at the last Peace. I hope that you will not Suffer Young foolish men to involve your whole Nation into Trouble, by Acting as they think Proper. [7]
John Sawyers -
They turned about and went back up the river ten or fifteen miles, and concluded to return home. About twenty miles above the North Fork, they found upon their return, a cabin on every spot where the range was good, and where only six weeks before nothing was to be seen but a howling wilderness. When they passed by before, on their outward destination, they found no settlers on Holston, save three families on the head springs of that river. [8]
John Sevier -
many of your petitioners settled on the lands of the Wataugah, &c., expecting to be within the Virginia line, and so consequently hold their lands by their improvements as first settlers; but to their great disappointment, when the line was run they were (contrary to their expectations) left out; finding themselves thus disappointed, and being too inconveniently situated to move back, and feeling an unwillingness to loose the labour bestowed on their plantations, they applied to the Cherokee Indians, and leased the land for the term of ten years. . . . [9]
Alexander Cameron to John Stuart –
The inhabitants of Watauga still remain unmolested by the government of Virginia. When the Indians found they would not move without the shedding of blood . . . they at length agreed to take some compensation for the rent of the land, and now the settlers will not allow that the Indians have any rights to the land. [10]
Little Carpenter to John Stuart -
Father, when I go to Virginia I will eat and drink with my white brothers, and will expect friendship and good usage from them. It is but a little spot of ground that you ask, and I am willing that your people should live upon it. I pity the white people but the white people do not pity me. Captain Guess comes into our country hunting, with fifty men. When we tell him of it, he threatens to shoot us down. The Great Being above is very good, and provides for everybody. It is He that made fire, bread, and the rivers to run. He gave us the land, but the white people seem to want to drive us from it. [11]
Earl of Dunmore, Governor of Virginia -
May 10, 1774
In effect, we have an example of the very case, there being actually a set of people in the back parts of this colony, bordering on the Cherokee Country, who finding they could not obtain the land they fancied, under any of the neighboring governments, have settled upon it without, and contented themselves with becoming a manner of tributary to the Indians, and have appointed magistrates, and framed laws for their present occasions, and to all intents and purposes, erected themselves into, though an inconsiderable, yet a separate State; the consequences of which may prove hereafter detrimental to the peace and security of the other colonies; it at least sets a dangerous example to the people of America, of forming governments distinct from and Independent of His Majesty's authority. [12]
J.F.D. Smyth -
Throughout all this country, and in every back settlement in America, the roads and paths were first marked out by blazes on the trees, cut alternately on each side of the way, every thirty or forty yards: . . .
A blaze is a large chip sliced off the side of a tree with a axe; it is about twelve inches in length, cut through the bark and some of the sapwood, and by its white appearance and brightness, where fresh made, serves to direct the way in the night as well as in the day.
The first blazed paths originated in this manner; when any person went from one place to another through the woods, where it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to return upon his track, he fell upon this method of blazing each side of the trees, at certain distance, as he passed on, and thereby retraced his way in returning, without the least trouble. [13]
James Finley –
The men's apparel was mostly made of deer's skin. This, well dressed, was made into hunting-shirts, pantaloons, coats, waist-coats, leggins and moccasins.
If a man was blessed with a linsey hunting-shirt and the ladies with linsey dresses, and the children with the same, it was counted of the first order, even if the linsey was made with the wool of the buffalo.
Deer's hair or oak leaves was generally put into the moccasins, and worn in place of stockings or socks. [14]
J.F.D. Smyth –
Their whole dress is very singular, and not very materially different from that of the Indians; being a hunting shirt, somewhat resembling a waggoner's frock, ornamented with a great many fringes, tied round the middle with a broad belt, much decorated also, in which is fastened a tomahawk, an instrument that serves every purpose of defense and convenience; being a hammer at one side and a sharp hatchet at the other; the shot bag and powder-horn, carved with a variety of whimsical figures and devices, hang from their necks over one shoulder; and on their heads a flapped hat, of a reddish hue, proceeding from the intensely hot beams of the sun.
Sometimes they wear leather breeches made of dressed elk, or deer skins, but more frequently thin trowsers.
On their legs they have Indian boots, or leggings, made of coarse woolen cloth, that either are wrapped round loosely and tied with garters, or laced upon the outside, and always come better than half way up the thigh; these are a great defense and preservative, not only against the bites of serpents and poisonous insects, but likewise against the scratches of thorns, briars, scrubby bushes, and underwood, with which the whole country is infested and overspread.
On their feet they sometimes wear pumps of their own manufacture, but generally Indian moccossons, of their own construction also, which are made of strong elk's, or buck's skin, dressed soft as for gloves or breeches, drawn together in regular plaits over the toe, and lacing from thence round to the fore part of the middle of the ancle, without a seam in them, yet fitting close to the feet, and indeed are perfectly easy and pliant. [15]
Harry Toulmin -
A man who comes in the fall to settle in the woods with a family of three or four children should be able to purchase fifty or sixty bushels of Indian corn, and as much bacon as will serve them for five or six months, a cow or two, two or three ewes, a sow, a horse, a plow, a hoe and axe. When a man is going to settle, he leaves his wife and family in some neighboring cabin, puts up a little shed for himself, and cuts down the timber, which will be wanted in building his log cabin. When this is ready he gives notice to his neighbors, who assemble and raise the building for him. He provides meat and bread for them, and sometimes a little whiskey. [16]
Finley –
The house was built of round logs from the forest trees: the first story was made of the largest we could put up; the second story of smaller ones which jutted over two or three feet to prevent anyone from climbing to the top of the house. The chimneys were built on the inside.
There were no windows, and but one opening for a door; this was generally narrow, and the shutter made of two slabs, or a tree split in two, then hewed off to a thickness say of six or eight inches, then set up edgewise, and made with a bevel to lap over.
The floor if not earth, was of hewn slabs, and covered with clapboards.
In the upper part of the house there were port-holes, out of which we could shoot as occasion might require; and, as no windows were allowed, they also answered for the purposes of light and ventilation.
The household furniture consisted of stools, and bedsteads made with forks driven into the ground and poles laid on these, with the bark of the trees, and on this beds made of oak leaves, or cattails stripped off and dried in the sun. The cooking utensils consisted of a pot, Dutch oven, skillet, frying pan, wooden trays and trenchers, and boards made smooth and clean. The table was made of a board slab.
Wild meat, without bread or salt, was often their food for weeks together. If they obtained bread, the meal was pounded in a mortar, or ground on a hand mill. Hominy was a good substitute for bread, or parched corn pounded and sifted, then mixed with a little sugar and eaten dry; or mixed with water was a good beverage. [17]
February 10, 1775
Whereas his Majesty by his Royal Proclamation bearing Date at St. James’s the seventh day of October 1763, did among other Regulations thereby made, declare his Royal Will and Pleasure with respect to his Territory claimed by the Indian Nations in North America in the following words: “And Whereas great Frauds and Abuses have been committed in the purchasing of Lands of the Indians to the great Prejudice of our Interests and to the great Dissatisfaction of the said Indians. In order to prevent such Irregularities for the future and to the end that the Indians may be convinced of our justice and determined Resolution to remove all reasonable cause of Discontent, we do with the advice of our Privy Council strictly enjoin and require that no private person do presume to make any purchase from the said Indians of any Lands reserved to the said Indians within those parts of our Colonies where we have thought proper to allow Settlement: . . . “
And Whereas I have information that a certain Richard Henderson, late of the County of Granville in this Province, confederating with divers others Persons, hath, in open violation of his Majesty's said Royal Proclamation and of the said act of the General Assembly of this Province, entering into Treaty with certain Indians of the Cherokee Nation for the Purchase and Cession of a very large Tract of Country, by some reported to be Two Hundred Miles Square, by others Three Hundred Miles Square, and said to be part of the hunting Grounds of the Cherokee Nation, and actually comprized within the limits of the Colony of Virginia and the Royal Grant to the Right Honorable the Earl Granville.
And whereas, this daring, unjust and unwarrantable Proceeding is of a most alarming and dangerous Tendency to the Peace and Welfare of this and the neighboring Colony inasmuch as it it represented to me that the said Richard Henderson and his Confederates have conditioned to pay the Indians for the Cession of the land before mentioned a considerable quantity of Gunpowder, whereby they will be furnished with the means of annoying his Majesty's subjects in this and the neighboring Colonies; and that he hath also invited many Debtors, and other persons in desperate circumstances, to desert this Province and become Settlers on the said Lands, to the great injury of Creditors.
And whereas, it is to be apprehended that if the said Richard Henderson is suffered to proceed in this unwarrentable and lawless undertaking, a settlement may be formed that will become an Asylum to the most abandoned Fugitives from the several Colonies, to the great Molestation and Injury of his Majesty's subjects in this Province in particular and to the manifest Determent of the Interests of Earl Granville, within whose proprietary District the Lands treated for as aforesaid by the said Richard Henderson with the Cherokee Indians are deemed and reported to be in part comprehended: I have thought proper to issue this Proclamation hereby in his Majesty’s Name and also in Behalf of the Earl Granville, as his Agent and Attorney strictly to forbid the said Richard Henderson and his Confederates, on pain of his Majesty's highest displeasure, and of suffering the most rigorous Penalties of the Law, to prosecute so unlawful an Undertaking, as also to enjoin all his Majesty’s liege subjects to use all lawful means in their Power to obstruct, hinder and prevent Execution of his Design of settlement, so contrary to Law and Justice and so pregnant with ill consequences. And I do hereby forewarn all, and all manner of persons against taking any part or having any concern or dealings with the said Richard Henderson, touching the Lands for which he is said to have entered into the Treaty with the Indians as aforesaid or with any other Person or Persons who have engaged or may engage in Projects of the like Nature, contrary to the Tenor of his Majesty’s Royal Proclamation aforesaid, as every Treaty, Bargin and Agreement with the Indians is repugnant thereto is illegal, null and void, to all Intents and Purposes, and that all partakers therein will expose themselves to the severest Penalties. . . .
Given under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said Province, the 10th day of February, Anno Dom 1775. and in the 15th year of his Majesty's Reign.God save the King.
Jo. Martin [18]
He the said Chas. Robertson, deposeth and saith, That he was at the Treaty held at Watauga, between the said Richd. Henderson and Company and the Cherokee Indians, in March 1775, and believes he heard every Public Talk, that was delivered by the parties – That as to the Treaty Conferences being held fairly and openly the Deponent frequently took notice that both Col. Henderson and the Indians would always cause to be present the white men and Indian Half Breeds who understood both Languages as a check upon the Chief Interpreter, least he should mistranslate or leave out, through Forgetfulness any Part of what either Party should speak and saith that he believes the Treaty was held fairly and openly, but does not remember the whole of the Boundary altho’ he believes the Indians understood all that was said by the said Henderson. . . .
The deponent frequently tried to count the number of Indians which he could not do exactly but from his best observations, there was about one thousand in all counting big and little, and about half of them were men – He did not understand there was any more than one principal man behind called Judges Friend, who he understood had sent word that what the other Chiefs agreed to he would abide by --On the second day of the Treaty, the Dragging Canoe went out displeased on hearing the Proposals of the said Henderson as to what Lands he wanted to purchase, because (as the Indian said ) the white people wanted too much of their Hunting Grounds. [19]
Felix Walker’s
Narrative Of His Trip With Boone
From Long Island
to Boonesborough in March 1775
We proceeded to Watawgo river, a tributary stream of Holsteen, to the residence of Colonel Charles Robertson. . . . where a treaty was held by Colonel Richard Henderson and his associates, with the Cherokee tribe of Indians, for the purchase of that section of country we were going to visit, then called the Bloody Ground, so named from the continual wars and quarrels of the hunting parties of different tribes who all claimed the ground as their own, and the privilege of hunting the game; who murdered and plundered each other, as opportunity offered.
We continued at Watawgo during the treaty, which lasted about twenty days. Among others, there was a distinguished chief called Atticulaculla, the Indian name, known to the white people by the name of the Little Carpenter -- in allusion, say the Indians, to his deep, artful, and ingenious diplomatic abilities, ably demonstrated in negotiating treaties with the white people, and influence in their nation councils; like as a white carpenter could make every notch and joint fit in wood, so he could bring all his views to fill and fit their places in the political machinery of his nation. He was the most celebrated and influential Indian among all the tribes then known; considered as the Solon of his day. He was said to be about ninety years of age, a very small man, and so lean and light habited, that I scarcely believe he would have exceeded more in weight than a pound for each year of his life. He was marked with two large scores or scares on each cheek, his ears cut and banded with silver, hanging nearly down on each shoulder, the ancient Indians mode of distinction in some tribes and fashion in others. In one of his public talks delivered to the whites, he spoke to this effect : he was an old man, had presided as chief in their council, and as president of his nation for more that half a century, had formerly been appointed agent and envoy extraordinary to the king of England on business of the first importance to his nation; he crossed the big river, had the honor of dining with his majesty and the nobility; had the utmost respect paid him by the great men among the white people; had accomplished his mission with success; and from the long standing in the highest dignities of his nation, he claimed the confidence and good faith in all and everything he would advance in support of the rightful claims of his people to the Bloody Ground, then in treaty to be sold to the white people. [20]
Copy of the Deed from the Cherokees to Henderson & Co.
March 17, 1775
This indenture made this seventeenth day of March in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five between Oconsitoto chief warrior and first representative of the Cherokee Nation or tribe of Indians and Attacullacullah and Sanvanooko otherwise Coronoh for themselves and behalf of the whole nation. Being the aborigines and sole owners by occupancy from the beginning of time to the lands on the waters of the Ohio River from the mouth of the Tennessee River up the said Ohio to the mouth or emptying of the Great Canaway or New River and so across by a Southward line to the Virginia line by a direction that shall strike or hit the Holston River six English miles above or Eastward of the Long Island therein and other lands and territories thereupon adjoining . . . for and in consideration of the sum of two thousand pounds of lawful money of Great Britain, to them in hand paid. . . .
OCONISTOTO
x his mark
ATTACULLACULLAH
x his mark
SAVANOOKA, otherwise Coronoh,
x his mark
Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of
William Baily Smith, George Lumkin,
Thomas Houghton, Castelton Brooks,
J.P. Bacon, Tilman Dixon,
Valentine Turey, Thomas Price, Linguist. [21]
Williamsburg, 23 March 1775
I am informed that the Cherokees have inconsiderately (not to say worse) listened to the dangerous proposals of a certain evill dispossed and disorderly Person named Henderson, and, allured by a little present gain, have entered into a bargain for Lands, which they either have sold or intend to Sell to the said Henderson.
The Cherokees cannot be ignorant that the Great King, our Common Father and Sovereign, in order to Secure the Possessions of the Indians, from the Incroachments of our own unruly People and to prevent their artifice[r]s from imposing upon, and taking an advantage of, the unwary Indians in underhand Bargains hath forbid any Persons but such as are duly Authorized by Himself, or one of his Governors, to treat with Indians for Lands. And the Cherokees must be Sensible that if they were allowed to dispose, in this irregular Manner, of Lands, to the White People, it would be impossible for the different governments, in their neighborhood, even to know the exact Boundaries of the Indian Country, and therefore it would be impossible to prevent Continual quarrels and murders, the unhappy examples of which, on that account, having already been too frequent. But these private agreements will have Still more extensive Consequences, and prove fatal to the Indian Race in the End.
I hope that the little Carpenter and all my Brothers the Cherokees will give attention to what I have here written, and consider me as their real friend when I advise them if the Bargain is not yet concluded, that they will make known to the said Henderson and his associates that they did not understand the import of it, and it was contrary to the orders & regulations and Laws of the King and his governments, it cannot be valid. And I expect the Cherokees will oblige the said Henderson and whatever Persons are connected with him, to quit the possession of any land which he or they may have taken under pretence of the said Bargain. This is the only way of preventing the evils I have above enumerated, and if My Brothers the Cherokees Comply with this, fully, they may depend upon the protection and favor of the King, his governments and all the good People belonging to them; but if they refuse of trifle with me, I shall be obliged, though with grief, to Speak to them in another manner. [22]
Dragging Canoe -
We had hoped that the white men would not be willing to travel beyond the mountains. Now that hope is gone. They have passed the mountains, and have settled upon Cherokee land. They wish to have that usurpation sanctioned by a treaty. When that is gained, the same encroaching spirit will lead them upon other land of the Cherokees. New cessions will be asked. Finally the whole country which the Cherokees and their fathers have so long occupied, will be demanded, and the remnant of Ani-Yunwiya, 'The Real People', once so great and formidable, will be compelled to seek refuge in some distant wilderness. There they will be permitted to stay only a short while, until they again behold the advancing banners of the same greedy host. Not being able to point out any further retreat for the miserable Cherokees, the extinction of the whole race will be proclaimed. Should we not therefore run all risks, and incur all consequences, rather than submit to further laceration of our country? Such treaties may be all right for men who are too old to hunt or fight. As for me, I have my young warriors about me. We will have our lands. A-waninski, I have spoken. [23]
A Cherokee Warrior -
We have sold the land, and I could have killed more deer upon it in a day than would have bought such a shirt. [24]
[1] Fries, Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, Vol.1, 379.
[2] De Vorsey, The Indian Boundary of the Southern Colonies,, 77.
[3] James William Hagy, and Stanley J. Folmsbee, "The Lost Archives of the Cherokee Nation, Part 1, 1763-1772," East Tennessee Historical Society Publications, 43: 121.
[4] Fries, Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, Vol.1, 415.
[5] Brown, Old Frontiers, 130.
[6] Hank Messick, King's Mountain (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1976), 31.
[7] Hagy, "The Lost Archives of the Cherokee Nation, Part 1,," 122.
[8] J.G.M. Ramsey, The Annals of Tennessee (Charleston, SC: Walker and James, 1853), 94.
[9] Ramsey, The Annals of Tennessee, 135.
[10] Brown, Old Frontiers, 132.
[11] Brown, Old Frontiers, 130-1.
[12] Max Dixon, The Wataugans (Nashville: Tennessee American Revolution Bicentennial Commission, 1976), 20.
[13] J.D.F. Smyth, A Tour of the United States of America (1784; New York Times and Arno, 1968), 178-9.
[14] James Finley, The Autobiography of Rev. James B. Finley (Cincinnati: R.P. Thompson, 1856), 70.
[15] Smyth, A Tour of the United States of America, 180.
[16] Ina Van Noppen, The South, a documentary history (Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrad, 1958), 80.
[17] Finley, The Autobiography of Rev. James B. Finley, 35,70,73.
[18] Rank, Boonesborough, 147-50.
[19] Rank, Boonesborough, 157-8.
[20] Rank, Boonesborough, 161-2.
[21] Rank, Boonesborough, 151-2.
[22] James William Hagy, and Stanley J. Folmsbee, "The Lost Archives of the Cherokee Nation, Part 2, 1772-1775," East Tennessee Historical Society Publications, 44: 122-3.
[23] Brown, Old Frontiers, 10.
[24] Brown, Old Frontiers, 13.