Appalachian Simmit

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13. Dividing Lines

 

 

The end of the French and Indian War brought peace once again to the Cherokee villages.  However, the increasing numbers of white settlers pressing ever further westward created continual tension and conflict between them and the Cherokees.  The British government attempted to establish boundaries in an effort to resolve the conflicts.

 

 

Bethabara Diary, Aug. 6, 1763

In the Charlestown newspaper of June 25^th, there is a most favorable Declaration in behalf of the Indians, dated Dec. 19, 1761, in which all Governors in America are earnestly urged to see that no one settles on land to which the Indians have a claim, and if any have settled on such land they shall be removed.  [1]

 

 

Royal Proclamation

bearing Date at St. James the seventh day of October 1763

 

that the several nations or tribes of Indians with whom we are connected, and who live under our protection, should not be molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and territories as, not having been seeded to, or purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them, as their hunting grounds.

That no governor or commander-in-chief in any of our colonies or plantations in America, do presume for the present, and until our further pleasure be known, to grant warrants of survey, or pass patents for any lands beyond the heads or sources of any of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or north-west; or upon any Lands whatever, which not having been ceded to, or purchased by us . . . are reserved to the said Indians or any of them. 

And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons whatever, who have either willfully or inadvertently seated themselves upon any lands within the countries above described, or upon any other lands, which not having been ceded to, or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such settlements.  [2]

 

And Whereas great Frauds and Abuses have been committed in the purchasing of Lands of the Indians to the great Prejudice of our Interest and to the great Dissatisfaction of the said Indians.  In order to prevent such Irregularities for the future and to the end that the Indians may be convinced of our Justice and determined Resolution to remove all reasonable cause of Discontent, we do with the Advice of our Privy Council strictly Enjoin and Require that no private Persons do presume to make any purchase from the said Indians of any Lands reserved to the said Indians within those parts of our Colonies where we have thought proper to allow Settlement; but that if at any time any of the said Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said Lands the same shall be purchased only for us in our name at some public Meeting Assembly of the said Indians, to be held for that purpose by the Governor or Commander-in-Chief of our Colonies. . . .   [3]

 

George Washington -

I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light ( but this I say between ourselves ) than as a temporary expedient to quiet the minds of the Indians . . . any person, therefore, who neglects the present opportunity of hunting out good lands, and in some measure marking and distinguishing them for his own, ( in order to keep others from settling them ), will never regain it.  [4]

 

Lord Egremont –

January 1763

His Myt [has] it much at heart to conciliate the affection of the Indian nations, by every act of strict justice, and by affording them his royal protection from any encroachment on the lands they have reserved to themselves, for their hunting grounds, & for their support & habitation; and I may inform you that a plan, for this desirable end, is actually under consideration.  [5]

 

Attakullakulla –

November, 1763

the lands toward Virginia must not be settled nearer the Cherokees than the southward of New River; hunting is their trade, and they have no other way of getting a living.  [6]

 

Governor Fauquier of Virginia –

Feb. 13, 1764

It may be necessary to observe your Lordships that the head branches of the waters which empty themselves into the Atlantic Ocean on which by the Proclamation I am at liberty to grant patents for lands interlock with the head branches of the waters which are discharged by the Mississippi into the Gulf of Mexico on which I am restrained from granting patents. [7]

 

John Stuart –

The fixing and ascertaining a distinct boundary between the Indians and all the Provinces is essential to the tranquility of this district; it is a point which greatly concerns them, and to which they are extremely attentive.

The murder of their people by the back settlers of Virginia has not so bad an effect and the consequences are not so much to be apprehended as the encroachments on their lands.  The Indians can comprehend that the wicked actions of a few individuals ought not to be considered as proof of the intentions of the whole community, and will be well satisfied to have the perpetrators brought to justice; But grants of land claimed by them, they know to be the acts of whole Provinces which alarms them and they consider as incontestable proofs of our bad intentions and want of faith.

It is not the Cherokees alone who think themselves injured; the jealousy of all the nations is awakened and the bad impressions left on their minds by the French, confirmed by these encroachments.  [8]

 

Governor Tryon –

June 1766

If the line the Cherokees propose to be run is continued in a straight course from Reedy River to Chiswell’s Lead Mines, I am informed that a considerable part of Mecklenburg, and a great part of Rowan Counties, will be left to the westward of the said line, and consequently a large body of inhabitants will be shut out of this province. . . .

If the line could be run by the end of September and you could accompany me, I should not dislike to be present as it might not only prevent any little jealousies that night arise between the settlers and the Indians, but give me the opportunity to take a view of the backcountry.  [9]

 

Cherokee Talk –

The number of families that have come from North Carolina and Virginia and settled upon a great part of our best lands and within an easy days march of some of our towns, are circumstances very alarming to us; therefore we shall be ready at the end of the 5th moon (September) from this time to attend at the marking of a line: our minds will not be easy till it is completed; and if our brothers will not be assisting we must then effect it ourselves.  

 

when the Great King's Proclamation relative to his red children was read to us and we were promised a quiet possession of our lands and redress of our grievances, that we might claim the land a great way beyond where we propose the line to be run but chuse much rather to part with it than have any dispute concerning it . . . we are poor people depending on the woods for our support and without the means of redressing ourselves but by violence which we do not chuse to exercise against our brothers.  [10]

 

Governor Tryon of North Carolina to the Board of Trade –

August 2, 1766

I am of the opinion this province is settling faster than any on the continent, last autumn and winter, upwards of one thousand wagons passed thro’ Salisbury with families from the northward, to settle in this province chiefly; some few went to Georgia and Florida, but liked it so indifferently, that some of them have since returned.

The dispatch containing patents I have granted since my administration will show to your Lordships the great increase of settlers in the western or back counties.  These inhabitants are a race of people differing in health and complexion from the natives of the maritime parts of the province, as much as a sturdy Briton differs from a puny Spaniard. . . . [11]

 

British Secretary of State to Governor Tryon -

September 13, 1766

His Majesty's Commander-in-Chief has received express orders to cooperate with the civil government for the enforcing of due obedience to the Proclamation and His Majesty requires and expects every measure to be taken which prudence can dictate for the removing of such settlers and preventing in the future any such settlements as are contrary to the intentions of the proclamation and for apprehending such offenders whose daring crimes have so direct a tendency to involve the whole of His Majesty's provinces in America in an Indians war.  [12]

 

 

Broad River Camp. South Carolina. May 27th 1767

 

Ordered that the Commissary deliver out immediately to the Escort the allowance of meat for the 28th and 29th instant and flower for the 28th only. 

Ordered that the commissary deliver out rations agreeable to the following List.

 

For His Excellcy his Aid de Camp & 5 servants -----------------7

The hon John Rutherford & servant --------------------------------2

The hon Robert Palmer Esq & servant -----------------------------2

Colonel Waddell and servant -----------------------------------------2

Col: Edwd Fanning & three attendants -----------------------------4

Lieutenant Col: John Frohock & servant ---------------------------2

Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, Serjeant, two Corporals, one

Drummer & 25 private men from Rowan Militia ----------------32

Lieutenant Colonel Moses Alexander -------------------------------1

Capt: Lieut: Ensign, Serjeant, two Corporals, one

Drummer and 25 private men from the Mecklenburgh Regiment

of Militia ------------------------------------------------------------------32

The Commissary 2. servts and 4 waggons ---------------------------7

Chaplain --------------------------------------------------------------------1

Mr Samuel Sidann junr & servt and 4 waggons --------------------2

Mr John Gibbs and servant ---------------------------------------------2

 

 

                             whole number ------------------------------------- 96  [13]

 

 

Governor Tryon –

June 1st 1776

I have travelled upwards of four hundred miles to meet you and have now been twenty six days absent from my place of residence which may be sufficient to convince you of my warmest wishes to promote a service I am sensible will be productive of the most salutary and beneficial consequences both to the inhabitants of this province and your nation.  It therefore remains that we should confer together concerning what courses the dividing line shall run that the service may be performed without loss of time.  I have it in command from his most gracious Majesty King George to inform you of his steady purposes to support you in your just rights and claims, and he has given me instructions to make use of all necessary means to remove and prosecute every white person who shall settle upon your lands or unjustly molest you.

 

Jud's Friend –

June 2d 1776

We have met here and smoked together as brothers in the presence of him who sees above and in remembrance of the great George over the water

I am now going to give you a talk, listen well and remember what it is, my intention is good and the man above is witness to it, my talk is straight and good

I met you here and heard your talk already and you have met warriors

You have left your place of residence and we have also left ours and met here to remember his majesty’s talks.

The man above is witness here. You are not the first Governor I have had talks with,  I have met Governors before and had talks with them and have not forgot them, but hold them fast . . .

 

 (Gives a string of white beads)

 

I have met your Excellency here and it is the first meeting I ever had from your government.  I hope our talks will be straight and right. . . .

 

 (Gives a second string of white beads)

 

All the towns in the Cherokee nation are as one, they are all my people and we remember his Majesty’s talk that he told us to be all good. . . .

As his Majesty desires so I hope we shall look with one eye, speak with one tongue and be as one people.

 

 (Gives a third string of beads)

 

I am going to talk no more.  The man above is he who made the land and his Majesty over the water desires that the white people and themselves should mutually possess it.  As I said before the man above is head of all, he made the land and none other, and he told me the land I stand on is mine and all that is on it.  True it is the deer, and buffaloe and the turkeys are almost gone, I refer all to him above. The white people eat hogs, cattle, and other things which they have here, but our food is further off.  The land here is very good land, it affords good water, good timber, and other good things but I will not love it.  My talk is very good, I do not love the land as we are going to make a division, I want to do what is fair and right. . . .

for the white people to live on one side and ourselves on the other, all in peace, our hunting grounds are but small and a little way from the nation.

There are rogues among your people and among my people, but I will give my people a good and strong talk to be so no more, and I hope your Excellency will also give your people a talk to be honest.

His Majesty told me when I was there and I have since heard that he desires that a line may be run between us, and that neither shall encroach on the other.  I am now come to run it and it must be done without alteration, I never indeed heard any proposed before a little last night.  I determine to have it run from the place it terminated in South Carolina a straight course according to what has been agreed on. . . . I am now come to run it and the land that is on this side I won't live on, I give it to the white people.  The price the white people give for land when they buy it is very small, they give a shirt, a match coat and the like which soon wears out but land last always.

I am now done talking, the land is given when the line is run and quit all pretensions to it.

 

 (Lays down a string of beads on the course the line was to run)

 

I am now done talking and wish to see the white people live well increase and have children and that we may do so too.  My people are here, come a great way naked, I expected to have had things here for them, but as they are not come will they be sent for, or what will be done? 

 

 

Letter from Governor Tryon to Mr John Mitchell, Merchant in Salisbury

Tyger River Camp, June 2d 1767

I have dispatched a Sergeant and six men to conduct six Cherokee Indians to Salisbury who have authority from me to receive of you such articles as they shall make choice out of your store, agreeable to the invoice transmitted to me, to the amount of a sum not exceeding one hundred and seventy five pounds proc money and when they have selected the goods you will at the additional expence supply the Indians with waggons or pack horses as will be most convenient to convey the goods as far as Loves Ford on the Broad river where the waggons or pack horses will meet with a body of Indians to receive the goods of them and the waggons or pack horses then will return to Salisbury.  [14]

 

Tryon Camp.  Reedy River.  Thursday 4th June 1767

The honble John Rutherford and the honble Robert Palmer Esq and John Frohock Esq. Commissioners appointed by His Excellency to run the dividing line between the Western Frontiers of this Province and the Cherokee Indian Hunting Grounds are to meet Mr Cameron and the Indians at 12. o'clock and begin the running the dividing Line at the place where the South Carolina line terminated on Reedy River and run thence a North Course.

 

Tryon Camp, Reedy River.  Fryday 5th June 1767

Mr Cameron is directed by his Excellency to make a return of what number of Indians will attend the running of the dividing Line and also what quantity of flower they will be able to carry.

The Commissioners will make a return this morning to His Excellency what number of men will be necessary to accompany them on the service and the quantity of Provisions that they will want for their subsistence.

The Commissary to deliver to the Escort rations of meat and flower for 2 days the 5^th and 6^th instant and rations for this day to the Indians.

The Escort to march at three 3 o’clock this afternoon.

The following return made by the Commrs in compliance of the Order of this day, towit:

Indians -------------------------22

Squaws -------------------------2

Commissary ------------------ 1

Interpreter --------------------- 1

Commissary servt ------------1

_____

Total --------------------------- 27

ALEXANDER CAMERON

Commissary for the Cherokees

 

The following return made by the Comm in compliance of the Order of the day, to wit:

Commissioners & servants ----------------  6

Deputy Surveyors ----------------------------  2

Men to blaze the Line Trees ---------------  6

Pack Horse Men ------------------------------  4

Guard to the Baggage &c ------------------- 10

Guide --------------------------------------------- 1

Two Officers & one Serjeant --------------- 3

                                                              _____

                                                                  32

 

Provisions for 32 men twenty days:

Flower ---------------------------------------   660 lbs

Beef ----------------------------------------- 1,000

Ditto for the Indians Flower-------------   660

Beef ----------------------------------------- 1,000

 

                   (signed)       JOHN RUTHERFORD

                                  ROBERT PALMER

                                  JOHN FROHOCK   [15]

 

 

Letters from Governor Tryon to John Rutherford, Robert Palmer and

John Frohock, Esquires

4th June 1767.

You will wait on the Cherokee Chiefs and acquaint them and Mr Cameron you have my directions to begin to run with them this morning the dividing line between the western frontiers of this province and their hunting grounds to commence on the Reedy River where the South Carolina line terminates and to run a north course into the mountains whence a straight line to the lead mines of Col Chiswell are to fix the boundary agreeable to the settlements made by the Prince of Chota, Juds Friend and all the other warriors of their lower towns at a meeting held at Fort Prince George the 20th day of October 1765.

 

June 6th 1767.

If it is possible I strongly recommend to you to run the dividing line through the whole western frontiers, but if from the impractibility of passing over the mountains, or other unforseen circumstances should arise that may impede the full execution of this service, you will govern yourselves in such a manner as will be most beneficial to the publick interest. . . .  [16]

 

Proclamation

16th day of July 1767.

Whereas a partition Line has been run between the Western Frontiers of this Province and the Cherokee Hunting Grounds . . .

this Proclamation, strictly requiring all Persons settled within the Indian Lands to remove from thence by the first day of January next: that no persons on any pretence whatsoever may disturb the said Indians in the quiet and peaceful possession of the lands to the westward of the aforsaid Line, or presume to Hunt thereon, or any other way or means to give them cause for uneasiness.  And all persons who regardless of their own interest and disobedient to His Majestys Commands shall neglect to remove from off the Indian Lands as required, or shall any time hereafter settle thereon, will not only expose their Families and Effects to the depredations of the Indians, but also deprive themselves the protection of this Government.

WILLIAM TRYON  [17]

 

 

In 1767, Thomas Griffiths, acting as an agent for the firm of Josiah Wedgewood and Son Limited, Staffordshire, England, journeyed to the Appalachian Summit in search of white clay to be shipped to England for use in the manufacture of fine china.

 

 

Thomas Griffiths –

arrival in Charlestown Bay on the twentyfirst of September [1767] , being a miserable, hot and sickly time. 

In this port I remain’d till Sunday the fourth of October, and then went off for the Cherokee Nation.

On the eighteenth we came to Capt. Aron Smiths; at this tavern we found middling good beds; but were obliged to sleep in the woods the two preceeding nights; and on the twentieth we arrived at Fort Prince George called old Keowee; which is the first settlement in the Nation, and about forty miles from the Indian line [c]alled Jewetts corner: . . .

met with Capt. Cameron our deputy commissary for Indian affairs; and likewise the great Prince of Chotee, the old woolf of Keowa and Kinettita, the gutt of Toquah, the old and young wariers, and attaw Kullcullak or ockulla Stotastotak, the Little Carpenter: besides the great Bear, and the Riseing faun, being most of the chiefs of the Cherokee Nation; all then met at this fort to call a counsel, and hold a grand talk concerning a peace with the norward enemies; and to appoint proper persons to proceed to New York, and the Mohawk Nation, for that perpose; after I had eat, drank, smoak’d and began to be familier with these strange copper collour’d gentry, I thought it a fair opportunity to request leave to travill through their Nation, in search of anything that curiosity might lead one to; and in particular to speculate on their Ayoree white earth; and accordingly the commanding officer made the motion, and the linguist was desired to be very particular on the subject.  This they granted, after a long hesitation and severall debates among themselves, the young warier, and one more, seem’d to consent with some reluctance; saying, they had been trubled with some young men long before, who made great holes in their land, took away their fine white clay, and gave ‘em only promises for it; however as I came from their father . . . they did not care to disappoint me for that time; but if I should want more for the future, they must have some satisfaction: for they did not know what use that mountain might be to them, or their children; and if it would make fine punch bowls, as they had been told, they hop’d I wo’d let ‘em drink out of one; and thus we shoke hands and settled the matter; . . .

In the thirtyeth of October I took leave of this fort and proceeded for the middle settlements and mountains, crossing the Chattoga River and the Warwomans Creek; also the Six Deviders, besides a great number of small brooks and fine springs that have their course between the mountains; but the savanahs are in some places very rotten and daingerous for the strainge travillers; in severall parts a man and his horse may sink in fifteen or twenty foot and must unavoidable perish: in my way I past the spott where Collonel Montgomery was greatly repulsed by the Indians, and thought it prudent to make the safest retreat he could, in order to preserve the remainder of his troops; but it appears, that his loss was considerable, I also reconnitred the place where Collonel Grant gain’d a compleat victory over ’em: indeed I had but a short time to view the situation but I could easily perceive, that the savages had a wonderfull advantage over our army, and that a great number must have been slain: but as I have observed, I had but little time to stop, for it was then the miserablest weather I ever was expost too: having the wind strong at N.E. with cold and heavy rain or sleet from five in the morning, till nine at night; when I arrived at an Indian hutt which was the first shelter I could cum at, and by that time there was scarce life in either me or my poar horse, and when I advanced near the fire, it overcame me and I fell down: and unluckily the master was gon out, so that I had not other refreshment than potatoe swoard bread and water and Indian corn for my horse; but the poar old squaw, dryed my cloaths as well as she could, and wap’d me up in a blanket and a bear skin, and the next morning Mr. Downy came home, for that was my landlords name, who stew’d me some fowls, which made me a glorious repast: this being Sunday the first of November

I set off for Patrick Gallihorn, at Cowee Town on the Tenassee River, which runs into the Massissipy, and is five miles from the Ayoree Mountain; here I remain’d a few days , and furnish’d my self with a servant, tools, blankets, and bear skins; and on the third of November we retired to the Ayoree Mountain, where we remained till the twenty third of December; here we labour’d hard for 3 days in clearing away the rubbish out of the old pitt, which could not be less than twelve or fifteen ton; but on the fourth day; when the pitt was well clean’d out, and the clay apear’d fine; to my great surprise, the chief men of Ayoree came and took me prisoner, telling me I was a tresspaser on their land, and that they had receiv’d private instruction from Fort George, not to suffer their pitt to be opened on any account; and as to any consent of the head men of the Nation, they minded not, nor would they let any clay be dug under five hundred weight of leather for every ton: . . .I sent for a linguist, and after a strong talk which lasted near four hours, we settled matters on such conditions, as I might obtain what I wanted without any further molestation and we finish’d our talk by shaking of friendly hands.

In four days from this, I had a ton of fine clay ready for the pack horses, when very unfortunately the weather chainged, and such heavy, rains fell in the night, that a perfect torent flow’d from the upper mountains with such rapididity, that not only fill’d my pitt, but melted, stain’d, and spoil’d near all I had dug, and even beat thro our wigwam and put out our fire, so that we were mearly perished with wet and cold: this weather proved of bad consequence another way, as it wash’d the stratums of red earth that run skirting thro the pitt, which stain’d and spoil’d a vast deal of white clay.  I have nothing more materiall to mention during the whole process of this work: the Indians were often paying me troublesome visites, indeed they would sometimes bring me a little provision for good pay, and would often steal trifles from me: however I invited ‘em together and treated ‘em with rum and such musick as I was capable of, which made ‘em dance with great agility; espetially when the bottle had gon about well, which is the only way to make friendship with any Indians, provided they are not made drunk, by this means, matters went on very smooth between us; . . . Thus we continued and parted very good friends; but with all, they hoped I sho’d want but a few horse loads of white clay, . . .

On the eighteenth of December I had dug and dryed all the clay I intended to take, and as the pack horses were then at the fort I had a few days to hunt, fossil and botanise which I improved as much as possible, but I found many things very short of my expectation; . . . On the twenty third of December, I took my leave of this cold and mountainous country, and went off with the pack horses for Fort Prince George; but the frosty weather breaking, and the mountain paths being very narrow and slippery, we kill’d and spoil’d some of the best horses; and at last my own slipt down and roled severall times over me, but I saved myself by laying hold of a young tree, and the poar beast tumbled into a creek and was spoil’d.  This was an unlucky sercumstance, as I had then severall miles to travill, besides the loss of a fine young Cherokee horse: on the twenty seventh, I arriv’d once more at Fort George, which believe, me was at that time a wellcome prospect; . . .   [18]