Appalachian Summit

Appalachian Summit

[ Home ] [ Up ] [ Exploration ] [ Resources ] [ Contact Us ]

12. The Red and the White Flags

Montgomery’s destruction of the Lower Towns in the summer of 1760 did little to quell the continuing violence between the Cherokees and the frontier settlements of Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina. After the capture of Fort Loudon, the Cherokees sent a talk to South Carolina’s Governor Bull requesting peace. However, with the French and Indian War won, thus insuring a British North America, and with plenty of troops available, General Amherst, complying with a request from Charles Town, once again sent a force against the Cherokees, this time under the command of Lieutenant Colonel James Grant.

Major Alexander Monypenny –

23/r/d March 1761

The troops to be under arms for Exercise dayly, a Q[uarte]r of an Hour after Reveille. This accustoms our People, to rise early, & dress quick, & will be necessary, when they get near the Enemy, that being the Time they would choose to surprize us. This Evening, Letters arriv'd from Lt. McIntosh, commanding at Fort Prince George. It seems, he had Directions from Lt. Governor Bull, to send to the Little Carpenter, (A Head Man of the Cherokees, always in Friendship with the English) to come down to Fort Prince George. He, was preparing to set out to Virginia, with sixteen English Prisoners, whom he was to restore, but on Mr. McIntosh's Message, he sent another to Virginia, & came himself to Fort Prince George the 10th Inst. with about five hundred Cherokees, Men Women & Children. He brought a Peace Talk, as They call it from Several of their principle Men, but said, the Young Warriour of Estatoe, was out, & would not consent to Peace, & that another Party was sett out from Sugar Town.

Mr. McIntosh, I think, was rather too civil to the Party of The Little Carpenter as he gave them some presents. He should only have given some triffle to The Carpenter himself. Tho Peace, with the Cherokees, is desirable, & is the Object we came for, yet, I can't help thinking the Infringent - of the Capitulation of Fort Loudoun, & other violences committed by them, are too flagrant to be easily forgiven and that, as we are now set out on an Expedition against them, no Terms, can be made properly till our Troops march into their Territory, & a signal Attonement is made by them.

Tistoe, A Chief of the Lower Cherokees, has offered to settle at Keowee that is near Fort Prince George, with about 40 people, under Mr. McIntosh’s Protection. The agreeing to this, I approve of, It divides them sows Dissentions amongst them, & puts this Party in our Power. However, the Consideration of the Terms of Peace, is properly the Business, of the Lieut. Governor. To manage the War is our Province.

Total number of troops employed for the invasion: (as of May 18, 1761)

British Regulars 1,400

(including) 2 companies of the 17th Regt.

2 companies of the 22nd Regt.

8 companies of Independents

1 Battalion of Royal Scots

South Carolina Provincials 689

Rangers 401

Wagoneers 240

Indians 57

(Mohawks, Stockbridges, Chickasaws, Catawabas)

Negroes 81

______

TOTAL 2,828 [1]

Captain Christopher French -

Friday 24th April

I was order'd to march with the light infantry of the 22d Regiment to escort 80 Waggons with Flour to Fort Ninety-six. March'd about four, & encamp'd at Six mile Creek, so call'd being that distance from the Congarees.

Saturday 25th April

Encamp'd at a House call'd Gibson's, 12 miles, a very poor place - nothing to be had but some Milk.

Thursday 30th April

Arriv'd at Fort Ninety Six 10 miles. Here stands a small Fort of Picquetts of no conseqiunce. The country about it (is) far cleared, pleasant enough. This march is 75 Miles from the Congarees & 215 from Charles Town. At Night a number of Wolves came about our camp, drawn as we suppos'd by some Bullocks we had in a pen just by us.

Saturday 16th May

In the Evening all our Indians, consisting of Chikasas, Catawbas, Mohaks & Stockbridge, assembled near a great Fire & danc'd the War Dance with several others peculiar to themselves.

Tuesday 19th May

The army marched towards Keeowee & encamp'd at a Place call'd Black Rock Creek, 12 Miles. We kill'd a large Rattle snake & a water snake which had another in it almost as large as itself. [2]

Monypenny –

21^st

Coll. Grant received a Letter from Colonel Byrd dated Williamsburg 22[n]d Aprile; Informing him, that General Amherst hadd appointed him to command the Troops intended to act against the Cherokees from Virginia; . . . We shall have same Assistance from the Virginians this Year, that Coll. Montgomery had last. He had finishe'd his campaign in July: Fort Loudoun was taken in August; Some days after the Little Carpenter was conducting Capt. Stuart, & some others of the Garrison he had sav'd to the Frontiers of Virginia & they came to Mrs. Byrd's camp on the Canhua or New River, where he gave the Little Carpenter a high Talk, of what they were to do, unless the Cherokees agreed to their Terms. This was within a week of the Time, that he knew he must return to the Settlements & that he could not advance a mile further, & but for this Accident, the Cherokees had never heard of Mr. Byrd's Armament.

23/r/d

This Day Coll. Grant received an Express from Fort Prince George, enclosing a Talk from The Little Carpenter, who was at the Fort; & another from Ocanastota, The great Warriour of Chotith sent by the Carpenter. Ocanastota said, he was fatigu’d after a long Journey [He had been with the French] That he had order'd his People to live in Peace with the English, & that the Path should be strait.

The Carpenter said, He had always been a Friend to the English, that he hop'd the Army coming up would stop at Fort Prince George, as he knew The English did not design to destroy their Nation; That tho much mischief had been done, there were Faults on both sides, & he believ'd all would be adjusted if they agreed to meet.

This drew Coll. Grant, to an explanation sooner than intended; He resolv'd to say nothing but what was strictly True, & not to ruin the Carpenter with his People, not to drive them to despair.

His answer was to the Purpose, That he always had a good opinion of the Carpenter, would be glad to see him, when convenient, but would not now detain him.

That he could not enter into any terms with the Nation, till they had returned all the Garrison of Fort Loudoun, whom they had not any Right to, but had seiz'd contrary to Treaty. . . . That, if Occonastota had any thing to say to him, he must come in Person, with the Carpenter and a few of his People, keep the Path & show a white Flagg. That two Armys would march to their Country, & they would use them, as General Amherst did the Indians last year, when he conquer'd Canada; Such as remain'd quiet in their Houses, be protected; Such as took to the Woods he treat'd as Enemy's. [3]

French –

Monday 25th May

Halted. - I went out to shoot Deer &ca., taking a Serjeant & 12 Men with me for fear of meeting any Cherokees. We saw two Deer, one Bear, some Turkeys & great plenty of Partridge. This led us a great way into the Woods, which added to the number of turnings we were oblig'd to make, in order to avoid Swamps, occasion'd our being lost for some Time, notwithstanding I had a Compass with me, nor had we the good fortune to kill any thing. We were joined by 21 Chikasas & 20 Catawbas, the latter headed by King Higler. [4]

Wednesday 27th May

Arriv'd at Fort Prince George 12 Miles & encamp'd on a Hill just opposite to the remains of an Indian Town call'd Keeowee. The country from Fort Ninety Six to Fort Prince George is very good, & about this last is very pleasant, the Land very uneven, being interrupted with Hill & Dale & the River which is about 50 or 60 yards wide, extremely pretty. At this place we found Attakullakulla | The Little Carpenter | so often mentioned in our papers. He is a well looking man, has always a smile in his Countenance & has the Character of being a Man of great Sense. In the Evening all the Indians went to the Fort & had a Talk with him, & attended them, & we went through the Indian Ceremonies of firing our Pieces Ect. [5]

Little Carpenter -

I am and have always been a friend to the English, although I have been called an old woman by the warriors. The conduct of my people has filled me with shame, but I would interpose in their behalf and bring about a peace. [6]

French -

Thursday 28th May

Colonel Grant, attended by some Officers, went to the Fort, where there was an other meeting between Attakullakulla and the Chickasaws, wherein he beg'd the Colonel would have a little patience 'till he might have Time to bring about a lasting Peace.

Friday 29th May

Went to see a Cherokee Indian at the Fort call’d the Tail of Estatoe, who has been remarkable for his activity against us, he is a tall slender Fellow, & looks somewhat like a half Breed. Attakullakulla set out to have a Talk with Ocunnastota | the great warrior | concerning Peace. During our Stay here, many Cherokee Indians of the lower Towns came in, & among the rest, the White Owl, & some others of Mato. The Camp was a little alarm'd one Night by a vast howling of Wolves, our Indians, screaming at the same time, making it impossible to judge for some Time what it was.

Sunday 7th June

The Army march'd from Fort Prince George; at about Six we passed Keeowee River, which reach'd to the middle, about 5 miles from there we passed another River, call'd the Little River which is Rocky, as also two Creeks at small distances which reach'd to the Knee. At Twelve we reach'd Ocunnih Old Town | 12 Miles | formerly a Cherokee settlement, but destroyed by the Creeks. Here we encamp'd, or rather wigwam'd in a Square, having left our Tents behind, excepting two Soldiers Tents of Canvas allow'd the Officers. This Place is well clear'd & is a fine Country. An Indian Track was seen by some of our Indians & closely pursued, but he made his Escape.

Tuesday 9th June

March'd about six. When we got a short way from the Camp one of the guides came back & acquainted Col. Grant that some Indians had been seen who had left their Provisions behind them & run away, & that they might expect to be attack'd. . . .

We reach'd Estatowee Old Town about one, after having pass’d one of the finest Spotts | a savannah | I ever saw. Soon after our arrival, a party of Indians went upon a scout, & upon their return say’d they had seen many Tracks, & some Fires. This Place is 15 miles from our last Camp. As the runs of water are very numerous in this Country some of us had the Curiosity to count how many we should pass, this day's march they ammount'd to 44.

Wednesday 10th June, Battle of Cowhowee

The General at Three; march'd about six. When we had got a short way we heard some firing in our rear, which we soon heard was by a small Party of Indians upon our Rearguard, but they did no harm. We continued our march with Caution as we expected to be attacked these three Days & when we had got about Six miles from our last Camp, & in a very narrow Pass with a mountain upon our right, & the River Elijoy upon our left, we heard our Indians give a Holloo, which was soon follow'd by a firing from the Hills on our right. Col. Grant ordered the Line to march on. We soon open'd a large Savannah upon our left through which the River ran. The Road was at the Foot of the Mountain on our right. Here we were very briskly fir'd upon from the far side of the River, & were oblig'd to march very slow through it, occasion'd by the Horses in the Front not being able to get fast on. We sent a platoon to amuse the Indians that were on the far side of the River, & our Indians engaged them in the Mountain. We pass'd the River & took possession of a Hill which cover'd the passage of the Army. The other Corps were as warmly saluted in passing the defile as the light infantry, & suffer’d pretty considerable, whereas we escap’d very well. The Action lasted about three hours in all, & began at 10 minutes after nine, in which we had 5 officers wounded Nine kill'd and 47 wounded | & about 40 horses kill'd | Ensign Munroe of our Regiment was shott into the body; when we had got over the River we began to make Litters for the wounded Men, which, & dressing them took a great while. During this a Cherokee Warrior was brought in, & unluckily for him, was met by a relation of a Catawba Indian who was killed in the Action, who knock'd him Down with a war Club, Tomahawk'd & scalp'd him, then blew out his Brains, cut open his Breast, & Belly, & cut off his privy parts, & otherwise mangeled him in a most shocking manner. About three the Army march'd again toward Echoy, keeping to the Mountains as the Road led to another Pass. About nine we reach'd it after passing the River again. It stands in a large Plain commanded by Hills, this we tore to pieces & set Fire to. Here we halted for about two Hours, when the Light Infantry, Royal and Burton's march'd to surprise a small Town call'd Tasse, 2 miles. I had orders to put every soul to Death. I sent a platoon to each House but found them Deserted. We then march'd with Intentions to surprise Noucassih | 2 miles | but found it deserted also. In leaving Tasse | which stands on a Plain | you cross a deep branch of the River near Noucassih. The Fords are good and reach about the middle. It was about four when we reach’d this last place. We went into their Town House which is a large Dome, surrounded with resting places of Kane & pretty enough. This we converted into a Hospital. We were 24 Hours on this March which was about 21 miles. We lay on our Arms till the arrival of the remainder of the Army which was on

Thursday 11th June

This morning Mr. Monroe dyed on the march & was buryed in the Evening in one of the Houses, which was afterwards burn'd over him, that the Indians might not know where he was lay'd as they would take him to scalp him.

Friday 12th June

Halted, which we wanted very much as the head of the Army had been 28 Hours under Arms, & most of the Time without eating. This Day all the Troops off Duty were sent with their Arms to destroy the Corn around the Town which they did very effectually. Papon & I burn'd two of their Houses & a Pow-wow House.

About one o'Clock some of our Indians told Col. Grant they had seen a large party of Cherokees & desir'd to follow them, he agreed to it & order'd the light Infantry to sustain them, a number of Rangers & waggons went with us which swell'd the party to about 500 Men. We soon march'd over the Mountains, a round about way towards Ayoree, three Miles. & having surrounded it we surpris'd about 12 Indians in it, one of which we scalp'd and took an old Squa Prisoner | the rest escap'd | we march'd by way of Watougi, two miles from our camp where we arriv'd about Six at night finding we could get no Intelligence from our Prisoner. We gave her some provisions, and convey'd her privately out of camp least she should be scalp'd by our Indians who wanted much to do it, soon after another poor Old Sqwa was brought into camp, & the savages having got hold of her soon kill'd and scalp'd her, they then threw her Body into the River, it is to be observ'd that the Sqwa we brought to Camp Smil'd at us even when she must have expected to be put to Death every Instant. We march'd | in our going out | over some of the highest mountains I ever saw, & which even being | compartively | almost perpendicular, this occasion'd it to be very fatiguing though not above Twelve miles back and forward. [7]

Lieutenant Colonel James Grant –

June 12, 1761

We halted. Corn about the town was destroyed. Parties were sent out to burn the scattered houses, pull up beans, peas, and corn, and to demolish everything eatable in the country. Our Indian scouts, with one of our parties, destroyed the towns of Neowee and Kanuga. A scout of our Indians killed a Cherokee and wounded another at Ayore. A miserable old squaw from Tasso was brought in and put to death in the Indian camp by one of the Catawbas. [8]

French -

Saturday 13th June

I cross’d the River to view the advance Guards. The prospect from some of the Hills [is] pleasant, though not very extensive, occasioned by a circumstance extraordinary enough & perhaps not to be parralled – viz. That go to the highest Mountain you can see yet when on the top of it you see others still higher. This we experienced every Day’s March. This Day parties were sent to destroy the Corn &c. which was executed, & one of them burn'd two new settled Villages call'd Neowee and Canuga.

Sunday 14th June

General at six. The Army march'd about 1/2 past Eight & reach'd a place call'd Watogui, three miles, here we halt'd pull'd up all the Corn, cut down the fruit Trees, & burn'd the Houses, in number about Fifty. We then continued our march to Ayoree, 1 mile, where we encamp'd & began to destroy the Corn immediately; Here we found the old Sqwa we had taken prisoner before, who it seemed did not choose to leave her habitation, 'though at the risk of her Life.

Monday 15th June

Halted. Several parties destroyed Corn.

Tuesday 16th June

General at six, march'd about Eight, & at 1/2 past Ten reach'd Cowhee, about three Miles. This is pleasantly situated upon the River. We halted and destroy'd a great quantity of Corn, & cut down fruit Trees. We then cross'd the River | which was very deep | & reach'd Ussanah about two Miles. This is a small village, & by much the worst we had yet seen. One of the Catawbas | the same who kill'd the old Sqwa at Noukassi | kill'd our Sqwa for the Sake of her Scalp. At night an Indian attempted to seize one of the Sentries of the light Infantry advanc'd the Guard, & got off unhurt.

Wednesday 17th June

General at six, march'd at Eight & at 1/2 past Ten reach'd Coweeschee (2 miles) a small Town upon the same River, but on the other side of it. This day Capt Kennedy with the Indians, went to Tuchalalant, or Burning Town | 2 Miles | which they Burned, & then return’d to camp.

List of the Kill'd & Wounded on the 10th Instant

Kill'd Wounded

Regiment Offs. R&F Offs. Dr. R&F

Royal 1 1 1

17&22d L.I. 2

17&22d Battle

Corps 1 6

Col. Burton's 1 4 2 16

Carolina Regt 1 1 1 12

Indians 1

Pack Horse Men 1 5

Rangers 1 2

(Totals) 1 9 5 1 44

Thursday 18th June

Halted: In the afternoon a Rafft which was built upon two Canoes, broke in returning with the Picquett from the other side of the River, the rapidity of which had been greatly increas'd by heavy Rains which fell last Night. Several Arms were lost, but the Men all sav'd. The Body of a Man was seen floating down the River, which was brought on shore, & found to be the Serjeant of Burton's who was kill'd on the 10th, who had been thrown into the River to prevent his being scalp'd by the Indians.

Sunday 21st June

General at six, burn'd the Town of Coweeshee | it lies in a valley surrounded by high mountains | & then march'd to Ussaneh where we encamp'd. Here are abundance of wild mulberries, Rasberries, & straw berries.

Monday 22d June

Halted. Several scouts of Indians went Different Ways, & in the Evening the Chikasaws return'd & brought in a scalp. They had some Difficulty in catching him as he had a Bow and Arrow which he shott at them.

Tuesday 23d June

Halted. About twelve of the Mohak Party . . . return'd to Camp, & brought in a Warriors scalp. They reported that they fell in with a party of between 3 & 400 Indians near Stickwoe & were oblig'd to run, as they were but nine at first, & they lost one | a half Breed | who was their Guide, & who they fear'd was scalp'd, but he, finding himself closely pursued, & not able to keep up with the others, ran into a swamp, where he lay conceal'd till the heat of the pursuit was over, & then got safe to Camp.

Thursday 25th June

A Draft was made from the Army of as many Men as | with the light Infantry | form'd a party of about 1600 Men with these we march'd about nine at night & pass'd through a most difficult Road the whole night, with a Creek on our right hand, & great hills on our left & a very narrow Path to march on, in many Places a slip was almost fatal, as you must fall down great precipices, sometimes on Rocks and sometimes into the Creek.

Friday 26th June

We began to ascend Stickowe Mountain which is upwards of two miles to the top and extremely steep which made it a fatigue beyond description to get up it. We compass'd it however & halted sometime to rest. We found the difficulty of the Road had prevented our first design of surprising Stickowe; After our halt we march’d again through the strongest country ever I saw, anything we had yet pass’d being nothing to comparison with this. It began by descending Stickowe Mountain which was so very steep & made so slippery by some Rain which fell, that it was nearly as difficult to get down as up, from here our March was, either through deep Vallies, | render'd in some places almost dark by Trees | or upon the sides of immense Mountains with steep precipices on one side, & the remaining part of the mountain a great height above, & the path so narrow as to render it very Dangerous to a Traveller who has nothing to consult but his Safety, whereas we expected to be attack'd every minute. In short it was the most fatigueing march that ever was made. We reached some straggly Houses, however without accident at one o'Clock, here we halted 'till 1/2 past three in which Time we destroy'd some fields of Corn & burn'd the Houses, we then proceeded & reach'd Stickowee about five, This Town stands pleasantly situated upon the north branch of the Tanasee which here takes it's name from the Town. When our Indians first arriv'd, they were seen by three Cherokee Men & two young Sqwas, who endeavour'd to escape by crossing the River. They were closely pursued, nothwithstanding which the Men escap'd, but the Sqwas were taken. They inform'd that we had kill'd about Twenty of the Cherokees, & wounded a great many on the 10th, among the latter was the young Warrior of Estatoe, & of the former several of their head Men. This in some measure accounts for their not having attack'd us again, as we made no doubt they were much 'frightied. Stickowee is about 20 Miles from Cowhee by the Road we march’d. The River runs E&W & runs about 40 miles before it makes this place.

Saturday 27th June

I cross'd the River with a party of 80 light Infantry & destroy'd about 100 acres of Indian Corn & burn'd five Houses. On our return we were shown a great Rock by the River side under which our Guide told us, a great Warrior was buried, sitting, with laced Cloaths on, & a conjuring Box by him. We had a Curiosity to see him, but when we had open'd the entrance the stench added to our hurry to return prevented our going any further. We return’d by the lower Ford which was extremely rapid & reach’d to the brest in some places, which oblig’d us to support one the other, about 1/2 past Ten we march'd for Kittoweh the Road to which is pretty good & about three Miles, the River here is very broad & divides into three branches by two Islands, the first is very rapid & the last full of round smooth stones. In the last I got a fall & was wet through. Kittoweh stands on a large plain surrounded by Hills, but not so high as usual in this Country. Here we destroy'd a great deal of Corn & having set fire to the Town march'd for Tuckareetchih, three miles, having gone through a narrow pass for about 2 miles we crossed a small plain that led to a Creek which has a good Ford. We arriv'd at Tuckareetchihi in about 1 1/2 Hour. Here our Indians kill'd an old Cherokee, & took a young fellow Prisoner, call'd Long Tom. Colonel Grant declar'd our march was much worse than the passage of the Alps, which he had seen. [9]

Lieutenant Frances Marion –

We proceeded, by Colonel Grant's orders, to burn the Indian cabins. Some of the men seemed to enjoy this cruel work, laughing heartily at the curling flames, but to me it appeared a shocking sight. Poor creatures, thought I, we surely need not grudge you such miserable habitations. But when we came, according to orders, to cut down the fields of corn, I could scarcely refrain from tears. Who, without grief, could see the stately stalks with broad green leaves and tassled shocks, the staff of life, sink under our swords with all their precious loads, to wither and rot untasted in their mourning fields.

I saw everywhere around, the footsteps of the little Indian children, where they had lately played under the shade of their rustling corn. When we were gone, thought I, they will return, and peeping through the weeds with tearful eyes, will mark the ghastly ruin where they had so often played. "Who did this?" they will ask their mothers, and the reply will be, "The white people did it, - the Christians did it!" [10]

French –

Sunday 28th June

General at Four, march’d half past Five. We pass'd the River close to the Town after having destroy'd a large quantity of Corn, & set the Town on Fire. The Ford is good ‘though broad. We halted about an Hour for the rear of the Army to pass. At about Eight we arriv'd at Tessantih, 3 Miles, which stands upon uneven ground, some of the Houses being built upon the sides of the Hills, Others in the Valley, which has a creek running through it. Some of the Houses here were the neatest we had yet seen. Here our Indians kill'd another old Cherokee, run a large stick down his Throat, stuck an Arrow into each of his sides, one into this Neck & left a Tomahak sticking in his Head. At Ten all the Corn being destroy'd & the Town set on Fire, we march'd for Allijoy, to do which you must go Down the Creek a little way, then crossing it. You can’t miss the Path. We arriv’d about two o’Clock after having pass’d the Middle Branch of the Tenassee, on the far side of which is a very steep Mountain which leads Directly to the Town. Here our Indians shott & scalp'd a young Warrior known afterwards to be Clunlusy | the Leech | son to the Long Dog of Nathali. He was a well looking young fellow, & had been very active against us. They also took another young Warrior Prisoner call’d the Yellow Beard. This last is but a poor place standing upon a narrow strip of Land under high Hills & contains but few Houses, it is seven short Miles from Tessantih. We halted at this Place 'till we had destroy'd the Corn & burn'd the Town & march’d from thence about half past two. At five we pass’d the River again at a place about 4 Miles from Alejoy, where there were a few Houses & some Corn. The Ford is very Rocky & bad. Here we encamp’d in a pleasant Dale, the River running just close to our wigwams. This was a fatiguing march, occasion’d by many steep Mountains we pass’d & the Day proving very hott.

Monday 29^th June

General at four, march’d about Five & reach’d Coweetchee, ten Miles, about Eight, the Road bad. About two miles from this last Place there is a Cave in a Rock where, we suppos’d they buried their Warriors. At ½ past nine reach’d Ussanah, & soon after encamp’d on the Ground of Cowhee. This march was about Fifty Miles & if every thing be consider’d it could scarcely be more fatigueing, or dangerous, for in most places one hundred Men might stop 1000 without risking any loss, but Providence favor’d us, & what could we fear.

Wednesday 1st July

The Army still remain'd in Camp.

Thursday 2d July

March'd to Watogui by another Road from that by which we went, & I think a more eligible one if attack'd. From thence we return'd to our old Camp at Ayoree, having first burn'd Cowhee, about 5 Miles.

Friday 3rd July

In the Evening, some of our Rangers who were going to pull corn, took an old Cherokee Prisoner. He had a Gun but neither heard nor saw them 'till he was taken. About ten at night a Party of Cherokees suppos'd to be five in number fir'd upon one of our Pack Horse Men who they kill'd and scalp'd & got off unhurt under cover of night, nothwithstanding they came within our advanc'd Guards.

Saturday 4th July

we march'd on & having pass'd the ground where Col. Montgomery was attack'd last year | & which is strong, the Road being at the Foot of a steep Hill & close to the River, & commanded on the far side|. . . .

Thursday 9th July

General at four, march'd about six & reach'd Keeowee about eleven, but could not cross it till Evening as it had been very much Swell'd by the rains which fell for some days past. We encamp'd on our old ground.

Tuesday 21st July

A man call'd Ceasar the tripple nosed, Warrior of great Tellico, came to the Fort with a Flagg of Truce, he is a very old man. In his youth had been a prisoner in S. Carolina, his name alludes to a wart upon each side of his nose which makes it appear triple. He came with proposals of Peace from the great Warrior. brought a string of White Beads saying the Cherokees had bury'd the hatchet, were desirous of straitning the Path, of washing away the Blood that stained it. He informed us that the Mortar (a Creek) was out with a party of his Country Man, & that a young Warrior had also a party out.

Thursday 23rd July

The tripple nos'd Warrior returned to his own Country with a talk from Coll. Grant informing the great Warrior that if he intended making a lasting Peace, he expected he would come down himself, and that | in short | he would not treat with anybody else.

Friday 31st July

The Pipe | a young Cherokee Warrior | with another Indian came to Camp with a letter from Col. Bird's Army in Virginia, & a talk wherein they desir'd Peace, they say'd also, that if we made War with the Creeks, they would join us.

Sunday 9th August

Tistoee & the slave catcher of Tomathy arriv'd at the Fort with a Flagg of Truce. The first is a well looking elderly Man & the latter a fine handsome young fellow.

Tuesday 25th August

A Runner with a white Man came in from the Overhills who inform'd that the great Warrior with some other head Men were on their Way to our Camp, this gave so much satisfaction as their Time was elaps’d & their Way prolong’d ours. The latter | who had been a Corp. in the Independents when at Fort Loudoun & desert'd from there During it's being blockad'd by the Indians, & remain'd with them ever since; inform'd us that the whole Warriors of the Cherokee Nation, ( exclusive of a few ) | & which he say'd amount'd to about 2500 Men had engag'd us on the 10th June, that they lost between 20 to 30 Men & were very much frighten'd, saying we were very Dreadful & that they saw Fire flash from our eyes.

Friday 28th August

Willinewaw the great Warrior's brother Attakullakulla, old Hop's son | who had been King | Ceasar already mentioned, Classati | the Man Killer of Neuquassee | Halfbreed Will | the head Man of Nequasse | the Raven & the young Raven of Hywassee with a few Attendants came to the Fort with Capt. Watts they were preceded by an Indian carrying a large white Flagg with a Cross. They left several of their Party about 2 Miles from Camp, nothwithstanding these were some of their Chiefs we were much disappoint'd at not seeing the great Warrior as we judged his absence must prolong our treaty.

Saturday 29th August

The Warriors came to Camp, & gave Colonel Grant their Talk, The Little Carpenter opened it by shaking Hands with Coll. in token of his friendship, Willinewaw lit his Pipe, which he hand'd round to each of us to smoak out of which, being end'd the Talk began.

Sunday 30th August

Colonel gave his Talk to the Nation which began by telling them that they must put four of their young Warriors to Death for having broke the Peace, that without this Article being agreed to, were not to expect a Peace, the other Article were the delivering up of Fort Loudoun & the Cannon, allowing the English to build a Fort in any part of their Country, returning all the prisoners & Cattle with some others all of which | the first excepted | we made no Doubts of their agreeing to.

Monday 31st August

The Little Carpenter with some other Warriors return'd to Camp to give Col. Grant an Answer to his Talk, & after a very artful Speech which show'd that they were by no means inclined to kill the four People requir'd of them, | nor do I suppose we should have let them carry it to the utmost extremity if they had wished (?) | Col. Grant told them that this Article had been agreed upon between him and the Governor, but that if the later would give up that point upon their asking it at Charles Town | where they had agreed to go | he should be satisfied that they might depend upon their Persons being safe as also by his Countrymen provided they behaved as they should and did not steal our Horses in which Case he should order them to be shot. The Carpenter acknowledged the Justice of this procedure. He seem'd much pleas'd at having so great a prospect of making Peace between his Country & his Friends the English, he further promis'd not to prevent our taking any French people that might attempt to come into this Nation.

The Man Killer of Nuquassee, when he found so great a prospect of Peace say'd it did not signify to disemble any longer since his Nation & the white Men was to have Peace, That he had been in the action on the 10th that he thought it was his duty to fight for his Country, & he should always be ready to do it, that they had 33 Men killed in the Action besides many others, who they suppose dyed of their Wounds. That he was one of those who fir'd upon the Waggoner at Ayoree & show'd another Indians call'd The Man of the Valley, who [he say'd] had scalp'd him. [11]

Grant to Amherst-

Camp near Ft. Prince George, Sept. 3^rd 1761

I have expected every day for a month past that the Cherokees would come down to beg for peace as they are in the utmost distress, the Carpenter [Attakillakulla] was in Virginia, and others are afraid of their persons. Messengers were sent with talks and Beads, but the meeting was always put off on some pretence or other, & I believe would not have taken place if I had not allowed a Capt. Of Rangers who had been an old Indian trader to go into the Nation.

The 20^th Ult., the Carpenter [Attakullakulla], with some other Head Men, arrived as deputies from their Nation & beg’d for peace in the most submissive manner.

But so uncertain are Indian transactions that after everything was concluded a Trader who just arrived from town, had very near overturned the whole affair. He told the Indians that we wanted to kill them, that the smallpox and many other dangerous distempers were raging down the country, that a great many people were dying, & that if they went to Charles Town they would never come back & that it was our intention that they should not. The Cherokees who [already] thought themselves in some danger, believed every word that was told them, took the alarm, & went off. The Carpenter [Attakullakulla] assured them it could not be true because I would have told him, he directed them to give good talks, prevailed with a few to stay with him, and sets out this day for Charles Town. If he had not been so steady, there was an end of the peace. [12]

Ashley's Ferry Sept. 15, 1761

Governor Bull -

Attakullakulla, I am glad to see you. As you have always been a good friend to the English, I take you by the hand, and not only you,but those with you, as a pledge of their security while under my protection. Colonel Grant has acquainted me that you have applied for peace. I am now met with my beloved men to hear what you have to say, and my ears are open for that purpose.

Attakullakulla -

I am come to see you as a messenger from the whole nation. I have seen you, smoked with you, and hope we shall live as brothers together.

You live at the waters side and are in the light. We are in darkness but hope that all will yet be clear with us. I have been constantly going about doing good, and though I am tired, yet am come to see what can be done for my people, who are in great distress.

I always speak one way and am not double minded. As to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered by the Great Father above. We are of a different color from the white people. They are superior to us, but one God is the father of all, and we hope what is past will be forgiven. The Great Father above made all people, and there is not a day but some are coming into, and some going out of the world. I hope that the path, as the Great King told me, will never be crooked, but straight and open for all to pass.

I hope, as we all live in one land, we shall all live as one people.

Governor Bull -

You , Attakullakulla, have been sent to me as a messenger from the whole nation, to sue for peace. I know your heart is straight. I take you by the hand, not only because of the errand for which you came, but as an old acquaintance. On the advice of my beloved men, I have decided to leave out that clause by which four Cherokees should be put to death. I therefore expect, as the Cherokees have been well dealt with upon that head, they shall be faithful and punctual in the performance of all the other articles.

Attakullakull -

I am extremely well satisfied with everything your honor had proposed and said.

The South Carolina Gazette

September 23, 1761

On this day Attakullakulla had his last public audience, when he signed the treaty of peace and received an authenticated copy under the great seal. He earnestly requested that Captain John Stuart might be made chief white man ( Indian Agent ) in their nation. "All the Indians love him," he said, "and there will never be any uneasiness if he is there." His request was granted. This faithful Indians afterward dined with the governor, and tomorrow sets out for his own country. [13]

Lieutenant Henry Timberlake –

In the spring 1761, I received orders to return to my division, which was to proceed to the southward, and join the other half against the Cherokees. Soon after this junction we began our march towards the Cherokee country. Col. Byrd parted from us at a place called Stalnakres, and returned down the country, by which the command devolved on Col. Stephen. We marched, without molestation, to the great island on Holston's River, about 140 miles from the enemy's settlements, where we immediately applied ourselves to the construction of a fort, which was nearly completed about the middle of November, when Kanagatucko [Old Hop], the nominal king of the Cherokees, accompanied by about 400 of his people, came to our camp, sent by his countrymen to sue for peace, which was soon after granted by Col. Stephen, which finally concluded on the 19th instant. All things being settled to the satisfaction of the Indians, their king told Col. Stephen he had one more favor to beg of them, which was, to send an officer back with them to their country, as that would effectually convince the nation of the good intentions and sincerety of the English toward them. The Colonel was embarassed at the demand; he saw the necessity of some officer's going there, yet could not command any on so dangerous a duty. I soon relieved him from this dilemma, by offering my service. . . .

The 28th was fixed for our departure but on making some inquiries about our intended journey, the Indians informed me that the rivers were, for small craft, navigable quite to their country; they strove, however, to deter me from thinking of that way, by laying before me the dangers and difficulties I must encounter; almost alone, in a journey so much further about and continually infested with parties of northern Indians . . . but as I thought a thorough knowledge of the navigation would be of infinite service, should these people ever give us the trouble of another campaign against them, I formed a resolution of going by water; what much conduced to this, was the slowness they march with when in a large body, and the little pleasure I could expect in such company. On the day appointed the Indians set out on their journey, and a little after I embarked on board a canoe to pursue mine: my whole company consisted of a serjeant, an interpreter, and servant, with about ten days provisions . . . we had not gone far before I perceived we were much too heavy loaded; the canoe being small, and very ill made, I immediately ordered my servant out, to join the Indians, giving him my gun and ammunition, as we had two others in the canoe: little could I foresee the want we were soon to experience of them. We then proceeded near two hundred weight lighter, yet before we had gone a quarter of a mile ran fast a-ground, though perhaps in the deepest part of the stream, the shoal extending quite across. Sumpter the serjeant leaped out, and dragged us near a hundred yards over the shoals, till we found deep water again. About five miles further we heard a terrible noise of a water-fall, and it being then near night, I began to be very apprehensive of some accident in passing it: we went ashore to seek the best way down; after which taking out all the salt and ammunition, least it should get wet, I carried it along the shore, while they brought down the canoe; which they happily effected. It being now near dark, we went ashore to encamp, about a mile below the fall. Here we found a party of seven or eight Cherokee hunters, of whom we made a very particular inquiry concerning our future route: they informed us, that had the water been high, we might from the place we then were reach their country in six days without any impediment; but as the water was remarkably low, by the dryness of the preceding summer, we should meet with many difficulties and dangers; not only from the lowness of the water, but from the northward Indians, who always hunted in those parts at that season of the year. I had already been told, and fortified myself against the latter, but the former part of this talk (as they term it) no way pleased me; it however too late, I thought to look back, and so determined to proceed in what I had undertaken. We supped with the Indians on dried venison dipped in bears oil, which served for sauce. I lay (though I was too anxious to sleep) with an Indian on a large bear-skin, and my companions, I believe, lodged in the same manner.

Early next morning we took leave of our hosts, and in less than half an hour began to experience the troubles they had foretold us, by running a-ground; we were obliged to get out, and drag the canoe a quarter of a mile before we got off the shallow; and this was to be our employment two or three hours a-day, for nineteen days together, during most part of which the weather was so extremely cold, that the ice hung to our cloaths, from the time we were obliged to get in the water in the morning, till we encamped at night. This was especially disagreeable to me, as I had the courses of the river to take for upwards of two hundred and fifty miles.

We kept on in this manner without any remarkable occurance, till the 6th of December, when our provisions falling short, I went on shore, with the interpreter's gun, to shoot a turkey; singling one out, I pulled the trigger, which missing fire, broke off the upper chap and screw-pin; and as I could find neither, after several hours search, rendered the gun unfit for service. M’Cormack was not a little chagrined at the loss of his gun; it indeed greatly concerned us all; we had now but one left, and that very indifferent; but even this we were shortly to be deprived of, for we were scarce a mile from this unlucky place, when seeing a large bear coming down to the water-side, Sumpter, to whom the remaining gun belonged, took it to shoot; but not being conveniently seated, he laid it on the edge of the canoe, while he rose to fix himself to more advantage; but the canoe giving heel, let the gun tumble over-board. It was irreparably gone, for the water here was so deep, that we could not touch the bottom with our longest pole. We were now in despair: I even deliberated whether it was not better to throw ourselves overboard, as drowning at once seemed preferable to a lingering death. Our provisions were consumed to an ounce of meat, and but very little flour, our guns lost and spoiled, ourselves in the heart of woods, at a season when neither fruit nor roots were to be found, many days journey from any habitation, and frequented by the northern Indians, from whom we had more reason to expect scalping than succour.

We went ashore, as it was vain to proceed, and, desponding, began making a fire; while thus employed, several large bears came down a steep hill towards us. This, at another time, would have been a joyful sight; it now only increased our affliction. They came within the reach of a tomahawk; had we had one, and the skill to throw it, we could scarce have failed of killing. In short, they were as daring as if they had been acquainted with our misfortunes.

we perceived our canoe a-drift, going down the rock, and, plunging into the stream. Sumpter scrambled down the rock, and, plunging into the river, without giving himself scarce time to pull off his coat, swam a quarter of a mile before he could overtake her. . . . every thing on him was stiff frozen. We instantly made a fire to recover him; but this accident, joined to the severity of the weather, obliged us to stay the day and the night following. We laid ourselves down to sleep in the mouth of a cave, where we had made our fire, which we no sooner did, that, oppressed with the fatigues of the preceding day, we fell into a sound sleep, from which we were awakened before midnight, by the howling of wild beasts in the cave, who kept us awake with this concert till a little before day.

about 12 o'clock heard a noise like distant thunder. In half an hour we reached the place called the Great Falls, from which it proceeded. The river was here about half a mile broad, and the water falling from one rock to another, for the space of half a mile, had the appearance of steps, in each of which, and all about the rocks, the fish were sporting in prodigious quantities, which we might have taken with ease, had we not been too busy in working the canoe down, to look after them. I observed here the same method I had with the other falls, by going ashore and looking out the safest way for the canoe to pass; and least some accident should happen to it, I took what salt and ammunition we had left, and carried it along the shore: if this was not so dangerous, it was quite as difficult a task; and where I to chuse again, I should prefer the danger in the canoe to the difficulty of passing such rocks, both hands occupied, with the care of the gun and ammunition. Theirs was no ways easy. Before they had passed half the fall, the canoe ran fast on a rock, and it was with the greatest difficulty they got her clear; notwithstanding which I was at least so entangled among the rocks, that I was obliged to order the canoe ashore, at a place where the current was more practicable than others; and proceed in it. We scarce advanced a hundred yards, when we ran with such violence against another rock, that Sumpter, breaking his pole in attempting to ward off the shock, fell over-board; and we narrowly escaped being partakers of the same accident. . . .

Next morning, when we decamped, it was so excessive cold, that coming to a still place of the river, we found it frozen from bank to bank, to such a degree, that almost the whole day was spent in breaking the ice to make a passage.

Next morning we had the pleasure of finding the ice entirely gone, thawed, probable, by a hard rain that fell overnight, so that about two o’clock we found ourselves in Broad River, which being very high, we went the two following days at the rate of ten miles an hour, till we came within a mile of Tennessee river, when, running under the shore, we on a sudden discovered a party of ten or twelve Indians, standing with their pieces presented on the bank. Finding it impossible to resist or escape, we ran the canoe ashore towards them, thinking it more eligible to surrender immediately, which might entitle us to better treatment, than resist or fly, from their presented guns, or, their pursuit. We now imagined our death, or what was worst a miserable captivity, almost certain, when the headman of the party agreeably surprized us, by asking, in the Cherokee language, to what town we belonged? To which our interpreter replied, To the English camp; that the English and Cherokees having made a peace, I was then carrying the articles to their countrymen. On this the old warrior, commonly called the Slave Catcher of Tennessee, invited us to his camp, treated us with dried venison, homminy, and boiled corn. He told us that he had been hunting some time thereabouts, and had only intended returning in seven or eight days, but would now immediately accompany us.

We set out with them next morning to pursue our voyage; but I was now obliged to give over taking the courses of the river, lest the Indians, who, tho’ very hospitable, are very suspicious of things they cannot comprehend, should take umbrage at it.

Entering the Tennessee River, we began to experience the difference between going with the stream, and struggling against it; and between easy paddles, and the long poles with which we were constrained to slave, to keep pace with the Indians, who would otherwise have laughed at us. When we encamped about ten miles up the river, my hands were so galled, that the blood trickled from them, and when we set out next morning I was scarce able to handle a pole.

Within four or five miles of the nation, the Slave Catcher sent his wife forward by land, partly to prepare a dinner, and partly to let me have her place in his canoe, seeing me in pain, and unaccustomed to such hard labour, which seat I kept till about two o'clock, when we arrived at his house, opposite the mouth of Tellequo river, completing a twenty-two days course of continual fatigues, hardships, and anxieties. . . .

We were received at Tommotly in a very kind manner by Ostenaco, the commander in chief, who told me, he had already given me up for lost, as the gang I parted with at the Great Island had returned about ten days before, and that my servant was then actually preparing for his return, with news of my death. . . .

Some days after, the headmen of each town were assembled in the town-house of Chote, the metropolis of the country, to hear the articles of peace read, whither the interpreter and I accompanied Ostenaco.

The town-house, in which are transacted all public business and diversions, is raised with wood, and covered over with earth, and has all the appearance of a small mountain at a little distance. It is built in the form of a sugar loaf, and large enough to contain 500 persons, but extremely dark, having, besides the door, which is so narrow that but one at a time can pass, and that after much winding and turning, but one small aperture to let the smoke out, which is so ill contrived, that most of it settles in the roof of the house. Within it has the appearance of an ancient amphitheatre, the seats being raised one above another, leaving an area in the middle, in the center of which stands the fire; the seats of the head warriors are nearest to it.

They all seemed highly satisfied with the articles. The peace-pipe was smoaked, and Ostenaco made an harangue to the following effect:

"The bloody tommahawke, so long lifted against our brethren the English, must now be buried deep, deep in the ground, never to be raised again; and whoever shall act contrary to any of these articles, must expect a punishment equal to his offense. Should a strict observance of them be neglected, a war must necessarily follow, and a second peace may not be so easily obtained. I therefore once more recommend to you, to take particular care of your behaviour towards the English, whom we must now look upon as ourselves; they have the French and Spainards to fight, and we enough of our own colour, without meddling with either nation. I desire likewise that the white warrior, who has ventured himself here with us, may be well used and respected by all, wherever he goes amongst us."

The harangue being finished, several pipes were presented to me by the headmen, to take a whiff, as smoaking has always been disagreeable to me; but as it was a token of their amity, and they might be offended if I did not comply, I put on the best face I was able, though I dared not even wipe the end of the pipe that came out of their mouths; which, considering their paint and dirtiness, are not of the most ragoutant, as the French term it.

After smoaking, the eatables were produced, consisting chiefly of wild meat; such as venison, bear, and buffalo; tho' I cannot much commend their cookery, every thing being greatly overdone . . . water, which except the spiritous liquor brought by the Europeans, is their only drink, was handed about in small goards. What contributed greatly to render this feast disgusting, was eating without knives and forks, and being obliged to grope from dish to dish in the dark.

After the feast there was a dance; but I was already so fatigued with the ceremonies I had gone thorough, that I retired to Kanagatucko's hot-house; but was prevented from taking any repose by the smoke, with which I was almost suffocated, and the crowd of Indians that came and sat by the bed-side; which indeed was not much calculated for repose to any but Indians, or those that had passed an apprenticeship to their ways, as I had done: composed of a few boards, spread with bear-skins, without any other covering; the house being so hot, that I could not endure the weight of my own blanket. . . .

I set out with Ostenaco and my interpreter in the morning, and marched toward Settico, till we were met by a messenger, about half a mile from the town, who came to stop us till every thing was prepared for our reception: from this place I could take a view of the town, where I observed two stand of colours flying, one at the top, and the other at the door of the town-house; they were as large as a sheet, and white. Least I should take them for French, they took great care to inform me, that their custom was to hoist red colours as an emblem of war; but white as a token of peace. By this time we were joined by another messenger, who desired us to move forward.

About 100 yards from the town-house we were received by a body of between three and four hundred Indians, ten or twelve of which were entirely naked, except for a piece of cloth about their middle, and painted all over in a hideous manner, six of them with eagles tails in their hands, which they shook and flourished as they advanced, danced in a very uncommon figure, singing in concert with some drums of their own make, and those of the late unfortunate Capt. Demere; with several other instruments, uncouth beyond description. Chuelah, the headman of the town led the procession, painted blood-red, except his face, which was half black, holding an old rusty broad-sword in his right hand, and an eagle’s tail in his left. . . We then proceeded to the door, where Chuelah, and one of the beloved men, taking me by each arm, led me in, and seated me in one of the first seats; it was so dark that nothing was perceptible till a fresh supply of canes were brought, which being burnt in the middle of the house answers both purposes of fuel and candle. I then discovered about five hundred faces; and Cheulah addressing me a second time . . . made some professions of friendship, concluding with giving me another string of beads, as a token of it. He had scarce finished, when four of those who had exhibited at the procession made their second appearance, painted milk-white, their eagle-tails in one hand, and small goards with beads in them in the other, which they rattled in time with the music. During this dance the peace-pipe was prepared; the bowl of it was red stone, curiously cut with a knife, it being very soft, tho' extremely pretty when polished. The steam is about three feet long, finely adorned with porcupine quills, dyed feathers, deers hair, and such like guady trifles.

After I had performed my part with this, I was almost suffocated with the pipes presented me on every hand, which I dared not to decline. They might amount to about 170 or 180; which made me so sick, that I could not stir for several hours.

The Indians entertained me with another dance, at which I was detained till about seven o’clock next morning, when I was conducted to the house of Chucatah, then second in command, to take some refreshment. Here I found a white woman, named Mary Hughes, who told me she had been a prisoner there near a twelvemonth, and that there still remained among the Indians near thirty white prisoners more, in a very miserable condition for want of cloaths, the winter being particularly severe; and their misery was not a little heightened by the usage they received from the Indians. I ordered her to come to me to Ostenaco's with her miserable companions, where, I would distribute some shirts and blankets I had brought with me amongst them, which she did some days after.

After a short nap, I arose and went to the town-house, where I found the chiefs in consolation; after some time, I was called upon, and desired to write a letter for them to the Governor of South Carolina, which signified their desire of living in peace with the English, as long as the sun shone, or grass grew, and desired that a trade might be opened between them. These wrote, I sealed them up, with some wampum and beads in the inside.

The country, being situated between thirty-two and thirty-four degrees north latitude, and eighty-seven thirty minutes west, longitude from London, as near as can be calculated, is temperate, inclining to heat during the summer-season, and so remarkably fertile, that the women alone do all the laborious tasks of agriculture, the soil requiring only a little stirring with a hoe, to produce whatever is required of it; . . .

The meadows or savannahs produce excellent grass; being watered by abundance of fine rivers; and brooks well stored with fish, otters, and beavers; having as yet no nets the Indians catch the fish with lines, spears, or dams; . . .

North America, being one continual forest, admits of no scarcity of timber for every use: there are oaks of several sorts, birch, ash, pines, and a number of other trees, many of which are unknown in Europe, but already described by many authors. The woods likewise abound with fruits and flowers, to which the Indians pay little regard. Of the fruits there are some of an excellent flavor, particularly several sorts of grapes, which with proper culture, would probably afford an excellent wine. There are likewise plumbs, cherries, and berries of several kinds. . . . There are likewise an incredible number of buffaloes, bears, deer, panthers, wolves, foxes, racoons, and opossums.

an infinity of birds, pursued only by the children, who, at eight or ten years old, are very expert at killing with a sarbacan, or hollow cane, through which they blow a small dart, whose weakness obliges them to shoot at the eye of the larger sort of prey, which they seldom miss.

There are likewise a great number of reptiles, particularly the copper-snake, whose bite is very difficult to cure, and the rattle-snake, once the terror of Europeans, now no longer apprehended, the bite being so easily cured; . . . The flesh of the rattle-snake is extremely good. . . .

They have many beautiful stones of different colours, many of which, I am apt to believe, are of great value; but their superstition has always prevented their disposing of them to the traders, who have made many attempts to that purpose; but as they use them in their conjuring ceremonies, they believe their parting with them, or bringing them from home, would prejudice their health or affairs. . . .

The Cherokees are of a middle stature, of an olive color, tho’ generally painted, and their skins stained with gun-powder, pricked into it in very pretty figures. The hair of their head is shaved, tho’ many of the old people have it plucked out by the roots, except a patch on the hinter part of the head, about twice the bigness of a crown-piece, which is ornamented with beads, feathers, wampum, stained deers hair, and such like baubles. The ears are slit and stretched to an enormous size, putting the person who undergoes the operation to incredible pain, being unable to lie on either side for near forty days. To remedy this, they generally slit but one at a time; so soon as the patient can bear it, they are wound round with wire to expand them, and are adorned with silver pedants and rings, which they likewise wear at the nose. This custom does not belong originally to the Cherokees, but taken by them from the Shawnese, or other northern nations.

They that can afford it wear a collar of wampum, which are beads cut out of clamshells, a silver breast-plate, and bracelets on their arms and wrists of the same metal, a bit of cloth over their private parts, a shirt of the English make, a sort of cloth-boots, and mockasons, which are shoes of a make peculiar to the Americans, ornamented with porcupine-quills; a large mantle or match-coat thrown over all completes their dress at home; but when they go to war they leave their trinkets behind, and the mere necessaries serve them.

The women wear the hair of their head, which is so long that it generally reaches to the middle of their legs, and sometimes to the ground, club’d, and ornamented with ribbons of various colours; but, except their eye-brows, pluck it from all other parts of the body, especially the looser part of the sex. The rest of their dress is now become very much like the European; and, indeed, that of the men is greatly altered. The old people still remember and praise the ancient days before they were acquainted with the whites, when they had but little dress, except a bit of skin about their middles, mockasons, a mantle of buffalo skin for the winter, and a lighter one of feathers for the summer.

The warlike arms used by the Cherokees are guns, bows and arrows, darts, scalping-knives, and tommahawkes, which are hatchets; the hammer-part of which being made hollow, and a small hole running from thence along the shank, terminated by a small brass tube for the mouth, makes a compleat pipe. There are various ways of making these, according to the country or fancy of the purchaser, being all made by the Europeans; some have a long spear at top, and some different conveniences on each side. This is one of their most useful pieces of field-furniture, serving all the offices of hatchet, pipe, and sword; neither are the Indians less expert at throwing it than using it near, but will kill at a considerable distance. . . .

Their canoes . . . are generally make of a large pine or poplar, from thirty to forty feet long and about two broad, with flat bottoms and sides, and both ends alike; the Indians hollow them now with the tools they get from the Europeans, but formerly did it with fire: they are capable of carrying about fifteen or twenty men, are very light, and can by the Indians, so great is their skill in managing them, be forced up a very strong current, particularly the bark conoes; but these are seldom used but by the northern Indians.

Their method of pointing arrows is as follows: Cutting a bit of thin brass, copper, bone, or scales of a particular fish, into a point with two beards, or some into an acute triangle, they split a little of their arrow which is generally of reeds; into this they put the point, winding some deers sinew round the arrow, and through a little hole they make in the head; then they moisten the sinew with their spittle, which when dry, remains fast glewed, nor ever untwists. Their bows are of several sorts of wood, dipped in bears oil, and seasoned before the fire, and a twisted bear's gut for the string.

They generally concur, however, in the belief of one superior Being, who made them, and governs all things, and are therefore, never discontent at any misfortune, because they say, the Man above would have it so. They believe in a reward and punishment, as may be evinced by their answer to Mr. Martin, who, having preached scripture till both his audience and he were heartily tired, was told at last, that they knew very will, that if they were good, they should go up; if bad, down; that he should tell no more; that he had long plagued them with what they no ways understood, and that they desired him to depart the country.

There is no kind of rites or ceremonies at marriage, courtship and all being concluded in half an hour, without any other celebration, and it is as little binding as ceremonious; for though many last till death, especially when there are children, it is common for a person to change three or four times a-year.

As soon as a child is born, which is generally without help, it is dipped into cold water and washed, which is repeated every morning for two years afterward, by which the children acquire such strength, that no ricketty or deformed are found amongst them. When the woman recovers, which is at latest in three days, she carries it herself to the river to wash it; but though three days is the longest time of their illness, a great number of them are not so many hours; nay, I have known a woman delivered at the side of the river, wash her child, and come home with it in one hand, and a goard full of water in the other.

They seldom bury their dead, but throw them into the river; yet if any white man will bury them, he is generally rewarded with a blanket, besides what he takes from the corpse, the dead having commonly their guns, tommahawkes, powder, lead, silver ware, wampum, and a little tobacco buried with them; and as the persons who brings the corpse to the place of burial, immediately leave it, he is at liberty to dispose of all as he pleases, but must take care never to be found out, as nothing belonging to the dead is to be kept, but everything at his decease destroyed, except these articles, which are destined to accompany him to the other world. . . .

The Indians have a particular method of relieving the poor, which I shall rank among the most laudable of their religious ceremonies, most of the rest consisting purely in the vain ceremonies, and superstitious romances of their conjurors. When any of their people are hungry, as they term it, or in distress, orders are issued out by the headmen for a war-dance, at which all the fighting men and warriors assemble; but here, contrary to all their other dances, only one dances at a time, who, after hopping and capering for near a minute, with a tommahawke in his hand, gives a small hoop, at which signal the music stops till he relates the manner of taking his first scalp, and concludes his narration by throwing on a large skin spread for that purpose, a string of wampum, piece of plate, wire, paint, lead, or any thing he can most conveniently spare; after which the music strikes up, and he preceeds in the same manner through all his warlike actions: then another takes his place and the ceremony continues until all the warriors and fighting men have related their exploits. The stock thus raised, after paying the musicians, is divided among the poor. . . .

Their government, if I may call it government, which has neither laws or power to support it, is a mixed aristocracy and democracy, the chiefs being chose according to their merit in war, or policy at home; these lead the warriors that chuse to go, for there is no laws or compulsion on those that refuse to follow, or punishment to those that forsake their chief: . . .

Attakullakulla has done but little in war to recommend him, but has often signalized himself by his policy, and negotiations at home. Ostenaco has a tolerable share of both; but policy and art are the greatest steps to power. Attakullakulla has a large faction with this alone, while Oconnestoto, sir-named the Great Warrior, famous for having, in all his expeditions, taken such prudent measures as never to have lost a man, has not so much power, and Ostenaco could never have obtained the superiority, if he had not a great reputation in both.

I was not a little pleased likewise with their ball-plays ( in which they shew great dexterity ) especially when the women played, who pulled one another about, to the no small amusement of an European spectator.

The English are so nigh, and encroached daily so far upon them, that they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend being swallowed up, by so potent neighbors, or driven from the country, inhabited by their fathers, in which they were born, and brought up, in fine, their native soil, for which all men have a particular tenderness and affection. [14]