Appalachian Summit
11. Blood For Blood
With the completion and garrisoning of Fort Loudon, the governments of South Carolina and Virginia increased their pressure on the Cherokees to send warriors northward to aid the British forces in the escalating war against the French and their allied Indians.
George Mercer to George Washington –
Ft. Loudoun, April 24th, 1757
Dear Sir,
Thursday and Friday last came to town 148 Cherokees with Maj. Lewis, and yesterday I spoke to them, as they did not choose an interview earlier.
Wauhwatchee the head Warrior, after I had told him, among other things, that I was sorry we had not timely notice of their coning, that the Governor would have ordered the necessary presents for them, but they might depend upon everything they could want at their return. He would not receive the wampum I offered him, as is usual at the end of the speech, but immediately got up, and went out of the Council in a great passion and told the rest of the warriors they might speak to me if they had anything to say. This behavior gave me great uneasiness, which was not a little increased when the Swallow, after a long silence, made the speech which I enclose.
From this you may see that their journey here had almost produced a revolt of the whole nation from our interest, which would have been as certain, as their return home dissatisfied, for they are all wavering, and only wait to see how these are received. They make no secret of this, and told me the Governor knew not how to treat Indians, that the French treated them always like children, and gave them what foods they wanted. As to the Governor’s not having timely notice of their coming, it was a lie, he had promised them 18 months ago, if they would come here to fight for us they should be supplied with everything they wanted, that they had then promised that they would come, and he should have had everything ready, . . .
The Swallow Warrior’s speech to Col. Mercer
Brother,
I am now come a long journey to your assistance, and made no doubt according to the government’s promise, but I should find everything here necessary to go to war with. I don’t understand writing, but got a man to write a letter for me to the Governor to acquaint him what things I had promised my young men to engage them to come with me, and expected to have found everything I mentioned ready for us, but when I came here found no answer to my letter. I am sorry for it. We came with a good intent. An now, Brother, it looks to me that we shall go back without doing you any service, and I shall be accounted a liar. Brother, I have been amongst the French, and know what encouragements they give their Indians, which is the reason they have so many to fight for them. The French have sent the Shawanees into the Upper Towns of our Nation with English flesh and pressed them to taste of it. They did not do it at that time, but it looks to me they intend to taste of it by their behavior. They will not come to your assistance, although the Governor has often desired it by [John] Allen. The Governor took them to be Warriors and his friends; and never so much thought it worth his while to ask us that are Boys. But we heard there were such letters sent from the Governor which was like a dream to us. And we had the loss of our brothers the English so much at heart that we came now to take satisfaction. But as I find no presents here, I don’t know how it will be, & I make no doubt but the Overhills People will rejoice as it when they see us coming back, and will say, these are the men that went to assist their Brothers the English. See how they are loaded with presents. Brother we blame the governor and not you. What you have, you are free of, and it looks to me the Governor has little regard for you that are in the back settlements. He thinks himself safe in a large town so far below you, and has no regard for these back settlements. I am sorry the Governor does not mind his orders from our Great Father King George better. He, knowing our ignorance in making good, and esteeming us as his youngest children, had directed him often to take care of us and give us everything we wanted. And I am sure King George does not know now how we are treated. I am very sorry the Governor will not give us such presents as will encourage us to come and fight for him. [1]
Captain Paul Demere to Governor Lyttelton –
Fort Loudoun, July 30, 1757
This Day the Little Carpenter’s Brother returned from Warr with his Party of fourteen Men and brought a French Man’s Scalp with them. It is thought that it is the Scalp of a young Officer, at the Description that he gives. They went to the same Place that the Little Carpenter was at, to the new French Settlements on the Ohio at the Mouth of the Savannah River. . . They were there for several Days watching, but no Success, till one Morning he sent five of his Men pretty early near the Fort, and lay in Ambush, when this young Man came out and they shott him. He had on, as they say, a fine blue cloth Coat and a Hatt with a large broad Lace. As it was so near the Fort they had not Time to strip him, nor scalp him right. They just brought two Pieces of his Scalp. They say the people of the Fort saw them running away, but none came in Pursuit of them. [2]
Demere to Lyttelton –
Fort Loudoun, August 18, 1757
As there were not Presents enough in the Store for Scalps, I have given of my own, 10 Match Coats, 20 Shirts, 21 pr. Boots and 26 Flaps. As we have no more Presents to give them and we expect the Indians going to War, I hope your Excellency will supply us soon that we may not be at a Loss, and make them uneasy. [3]
Lach. Mackintosch to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, Keowee, 29 November, 1757
The 24th Instant the Raven, one of the Head Warriours of Tockswey, and his Warriours brought me one Scalp from the back Settlements of Virginia. I gave them the usual Presents at which they seemed very dissatisfyed, and in order to please them if possible, I doubled their Presents except the Gun. This is going beyond what is allowed by your Excellency and the Province, and am afraid is taking too much upon me, to go beyond what is allowed by the Assembly. But I do assure your Excellency, I have no other View nor Interest in acting so, but if possible to please the Indians who I find are just upon the Balance, and ready to turn either Side. [4]
The
Little Carpenter to Captain Paul Demere
Jan. 4, 1758
Friends and Loving Brothers at Fort Loudoun, This is to let you know of my Journey. We went down the River and could see nobody till we came opposite the Breed Nation. There we espied a white Flagg, which gave us all great Pleasure. We all stripped and painted for Battle. . . About 2 Miles above the Fort, we came up with a French Lieutenant and five Soldiers. We killed them first, and then went and way laid the Fort. We saw 4 great Guns. We took two Prisoners there and came off two Days’ March of this Side.
We met a Party of Chicasaws. We made Peace with them, gave two Scalps, a String of Beads, and a Hatchet that my Brother gave me at Fort Loudoun. We then went on till we came opposite the Creeks. Some of them told us that the Savannahs are set out toward you. Keep your People in the Fort. I have thirty-two Men with me. I hope you will have white Shirts made ready against we come. Make them large. Our Paint is all gone. Please to send me two Pounds of Paint by the Bearer and four Bottles of Rum. I hope you have kept four Keggs of Rum.
My loving Friend Mr. Coytmore, I hope that you will meet me with the Bearer. I think it long till I see you, and two or three more. I hope all is well as I left it. [5]
Mackintosch to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, Keowee, 17th February, 1758
The Keowee Indians dreamed last Night that they must have a Cagg of Rum before they go to War, or they shall have no Success. I am pretty well acquainted with their Way of dreaming, for they have dreamed me out of a good many Pounds of Beef and Salt since I came here, and I am afraid they’l dream for some of this fresh Pork ere they go to War. [6]
Governor
Lyttelton to Old Hop and the Cherokee
Head Men and Warriours
March 14, 1758
Friends and Brothers, His Excellency, the Earl of Loudon, the King's Great Warriour and Commander-in-Chief of all his Forces in North America, having resolved to prosecute the War against the Subjects of the French King with the greatest Vigour and to that End, having ordered a large Body of Troops to march to the Ohio is very desirous to have the Aid and Assistance of you, the brave and faithfull Cherrockees, who have always declared like good Friends and Brothers that our Enemies shall be your Enemies, more especially as he has heard with the greatest Satisfaction the many valiant Acts performed by your Nation and particularly how well you fought last Summer upon the Borders of Virginia and Pensylvania and defended the poor Out Settlers there against the Incursions of the French and their Indians and therefore His Lordship has sent the Honourable William Byrd Esquire, one of the King’s Council in Virginia, and a brave Warriour well known to you to have a Conference with you at Keowee and to conduct as many of you as shall be willing to go upon this great Enterprize to Winchester in Virginia. Before you go out to War Colonel Byrd will take effectual Care that you shall have Provisions upon your March. [7]
George Washington -
They are more serviceable than twice their number of white men. Their cunning and craft cannot be equaled. Indians are the only match for Indians. If they return to their Nation, no words can tell how much they will be missed, for upon these people the safety of our march very much depends. However absurd it may seem, it is certain that five hundred Indians have it in their power to more annoy the inhabitants than ten times that number of white men. [8]
Warriours of Estertoe to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, March 20th, 1758
We were set out our Journey towards Virginia to help our Friends their, and as we were going along we were informed that some of our People, that went out before us had met two white Men upon the Path and killed them. . . .
The Headman of the Gang that had killed the white People were from over the Hills, and after he had killed the two men, he scalped them and made four Scalps out of two, and forced every one of the Gang to make Promiss not to devulge it on Pain of being immediately killed, and so made the best of their Way toward Winchester and there to take a Turn round, and come in as if they had taken them from the French and their to get the same reward for them as if they had been French Scalps.
We are very sorry in not going to help our Friends, as we intended, if we had not heard of this News, for we were struck all Dumb at the hearing of the killing of our Friends and could not proceed any farther, but turned back in case any Thing should happen in the Lower Nation to prevent any further Mischief. After we have been once more to War we intend to go down to Charles Town and pay our Respects to you. [9]
Edmond Atkin –
The Cherokees, in particular, have got the art of making four scalps out or one man's hair. [10]
Demere to Lyttelton –
Fort Loudon, April 2, 1758
the Little Carpenter, with a great Gang, was gone from hence 23 Days . . . a little before his Departure, he told me that several Warriours of different Towns, were going to War soon, and he desired me to have every Thing ready for their Expedition. Accordingly five Days after, the Thick Legg Warriour of Chatougu came, and said he intended to go to War with 61 young Fellows and would be in the Fort of 20th of the same Month. He was no sooner gone, than Moytoy of Highwassie came, and said that he was resolved to go towards the French Fort, and had a Gang of 27 brave Fellows, and would sett out the 21st of the same. The next Day in the Morning Woolinawah of Tocko sent me Word, that as the young Warriours of his Town, Tomatle, and Tenissee, had chosen him to go to War, he intended to set out the Day after Moytoy, with 46 Warriours. The Day after, the Sower Hominey, the Great Conjurer of Chotte, came, and said that the 24th was fixed for his Departure with 23 Warriours from the Fort, against the French, and desired me to have every Thing ready for that Day. Immediately I sett the Smith to work for War Hatchets, and other necessary Things that they wanted, and as I knew that I had not Ammunition enough for so many Men, I wrote to Samuel Benn, and Cornelius Cockley of Choutougee, who very readily sent me what they had. [11]
Mackintosh to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, 10th April, 1758
Colonel Byrd arrived here last Friday and been with them all since; I hope he will carry every Man out of these Lower Towns a long with him that’s able to carry a Gun. But if he had been here six Weeks sooner (or if I had known of his coming) He would have got five Times more with him. Colonel Howarth went directly over the Mountains to get as many there as possible; we have not heard from him since. [12]
Memorandum of James Beamer
A Memorandum, April 20th, 1758. That as I, James Beamer, was a going to Jore with Colonel Byrd and Colonel Howarth, we mett an Indian Fellow at the Clay Pitts nigh Stecowee Old Town. Colonel Howarth and I stopt. Colonel Howarth desired me to ask the Indian if those of the Middle Settlements were ready to go according to their Promise (to him) to Virginia with Colonel Byrd. He said he could not tell, they were almost all out a Hunting and the White Man of Cowee (James May) told them not to mind the Talks of the Warriours that came from Virginia and Carolina, but to remember how many of your People has dyed going to Carolina and to the Assistance of the White People at different Times, and that there Bones lay white upon the Road, and if you go with these Warriours to Virginia, its so far that you will dye or be killed for not a Man of you will ever return. [13]
Washington -
These Indians coming should be shown all possible respect, and the greatest care taken of them, as upon them much depends. It is a very critical time, they are very humorsome, and their assistance is very necessary. One false step might lose us all that, but ever turn them against us. [14]
A
True Account of the Cherokee Indians who passed and repassed
Bethabara in Wachovia and the Meals they had in the year 1758.
March 4th about noon came 30 Cherokee Indians pretty hungry, had
dinner 8d. a person in the Tavern . . . . 1;0;0
supper 6d. a person . . . . . . . . . . 15;0
March 5th, 30 breakfasts 6d. a person . . . . . . . 15;0
March 18th at noon came 42 Indians, had dinner . . 1;8;0
had supper . . 1;1;0
They set off the 19th after breakfast . . . . 1;1;0
March 18th towards evening followed another company of
100 persons, had supper . . . . . . . . . . . . 2;10;0
Rested here the 19th, 100 for breakfast . . . . 2;10;0
100 for dinner . . . . . 3;6;8
100 for supper . . . . . . 2;10;0
March 20 for their breakfast, provisions on the road 2;10;0
April 4th came again 60 Indians, had dinner . . . . . 2;0;0
had supper . . . . . 1;10;0
April 5th they had breakfast . . . . . . . . . . . . 1;10;0
May 12th came Col. Bird with several officers and
56 Indians rested here till the 14th and
Col. Bird paid with gold f14 Virginia currency.
May 22nd 10 Indians on their return from Winchester
had dinner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6;8
May 29th had several Indians, dinner . . . . . . . . . 3;0
June 13th in the afternoon came 6 Indians on their
return had dinner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4;0
and June 14th breakfast . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3;0
June 21st at noon returned 10 Indians, had dinner . . . 6;8
had supper . . . 5;0
June 26th came a company of 100 Indians, had dinner
and supper in one . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2;10;0
June 27th 100 had breakfast . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2;10;0
had dinner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3;6;8
had supper . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2;10;0
June 28th they had breakfast and took provisions . . . 2;10;0
July 2nd, 50 Indians had dinner . . . . . . . . . . . 1;13;4
Aug. 21st, 60 Indians had dinner and supper together . 2;0;0
Aug. 22nd, they had breakfast and provisions . . . . . 1;10;0
Aug. 23rd, 3 sick Indians had provisions . . . . . . . 2;0
Oct. 26th, 6 Indians had supper . . . . . . . . . . . . 3;0
Oct. 27th they had a rest day, breakfast . . . . . . . . 3;0
dinner . . . . . . . . . 4;0
supper . . . . . . . . . 3;0
_______
Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45;0;0 [15]
James Adair -
Several companies of the Cheerake, who joined our forces under General Stanwix at the unfortunate Ohio, affirmed that their alienation from us, was - because they were confined to our martial arrangements, by unjust suspicion of them - were very much condemned, - and half-starved at the main camp; their hearts told them therefore to return home, as freemen and injured allies, though without a supply of provisions. This they did, and pinching hunger forced them to take as much as barely supported nature, when returning to their own country. In their journey, the German inhabitants, without any provocation, killed in cold blood about forty of their warriors, in different places – though each party was under command of a British subject. They scalped all, and butchered several, after a most shocking manner, in imitation of the barbarous war-custom of the savages; some who escaped the carnage, returned at night, to see their kindred and war companions, and reported their fate. [16]
June the 1st, 1758
That when they came to the River eight or ten Indians came over the River to them, that he endeavoured to come to Terms with them, proposed Peace and Friendship, and called them Brothers. They surlily answered no, no, no Brothers, English damned Rouges, and clapping their Hands, on their Breasts called themselves, and making Signs signifying to them, there was a great many Shawanees all about them, that the Woods and Mountains were full of them. That he still mentioned Peace and told them that he and Tarbro were unarmed and came as Brothers, but the Indians nothwithstanding his Mentions of Peace, striped him of his Coat, Waiscoat, Shirt Shoes, Stockings, and Hatt, and gave him several Blows with their Tomahawks and ordered him away.
He heard a Gun fired close behind him, and turning about discovered three Indians close at his Heels. That they could have made their Escape, but on the Indians calling out Cherokees and holding out their Hands in Token of Friendship, and fearing to be fired at should they attempt to escape, they stopped. The Indians came up to them and shook Hands, and then instantly pulled them off their Horses, beat them with Sticks, stripped them naked, took all they had from them, pointed their Guns at them, and ordered them to run which order they instantly obeyed.
a Parcel of Indians of what Nation he knew not came to his House, shot a Bull in his Yard, robbed him of eight Horses and all he had in the World.
many Guns discharged on both Sides, in which Engagement the Father of John Hall, one of the Deponents fell, and being mortally wounded, soon after died. . . That in the Engagement three Indians fall, that at last their Powder and Lead being expended, they fled back over the River in different Places, and being all met again on the other Side, they went to a Neighbour’s House, supplied themselves with more Ammunition, and went back again to the Place where the Engagement was to look for their wounded friend, who they found expiring, three Indians dead in the Field and much Plunder. That they scalped the Indians, threw their dead Bodies in the River, and brought away their dying Friend and the Plunder, and that their Friend soon after dyed. The Account of Spoil found in the Field consisting of horses, Saddles, Bridles, Men’s and Women’s Apparel &c. [17]
Mackintosh to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, 5 June, 1758
By all Accounts there is a good Deal of Mischief done upon the Frontiers of Virginia betwixt white People and Indians all owing to small Partys of Indians going to War as they pretend, but in Reallyty only goes to steal Horses and plunder every where they comes to, for which Reason I presume to think their ought never any Indians go to Virginia without an Interpreter along with them. By all I can learn [there] is People killed on [both] Sides as the Carpenter observes they are dayly [bringing] Horses from those Parts. [18]
George Turner to Governor Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, Keowee, 2 July, 1758
on the Day appointed my Horses were sadling and packing, when the Little Carpenter came into the Fort. I told him that I was just ready. He desired me not to take my Baggage to Chota that Day, as we should come back that Evening. I told him, he had promissed me to stay at Chota (the general Rendevouze) that Night and all to march for Virginia the next Day. He said it was very true but one Day would break no Squares, and I went over with him without my Baggage, and their at Old Hop's meet all the Warriours and Conjurers and Beloved Men, and then (I believe your Excellency will be greatly surprised at it) they told me that several bad Omens had appeared in their Conjurations and they were threatened with Sickness and Death to many and vast Fatigue to the Whole if they went in, and positively refused to go till the Fall and wanted me to wait till then.
I told them that their Treatment had so much astonished me that I could not tell what to say. I reproached them with their Ingratitude to you, who had by their Confessions treated the nobly. I put them in Mind of the Presents that Colonel Byrd had distributed amongst them and of the Presents that I had sent but eight Days before and told them that when I reported this I should hardly be credited, that so many Men who had given so many Proofs of their Valour and Resolution should now be diverted from their purpose by a Conjurer. The Little Carpenter who was the Mouth of the Company, said that when he had promised to go, that he intended it, but they never undertook any Thing of Consequence, but they consulted their Conjurers to know the Pleasure of the Great man above and they never depared from his Opinion. The Conjurers repeated that the two first Moons they would be very well, but afterwards that a pestilential Distemper would get among their young Men, that they would loose a great many and the Rest would be so harrased with Fattigue and Sickness that they would gett in very late if at all. [19]
Governor Lyttelton to Lower and Middle Cherokee Headmen and Warriours
Friends and Brothers, The Warriour at Fort Prince George has
sent me an Account of some new Disturbances that have happened in Virginia in
which I am sorry to hear some of your People have been killed. . . . I am now
informed that bad Talks have been given in some of your Towns against the
People of Virginia and that some Parties have taken up the Hatchet and are gone
to spill their Blood. . . . I have sent A Messenger to the Governor of Virginia
to inform him of these Things, and I am confident he will give you entire
Satisfaction for whatsoever Injuries have been done to you, and as a further
Mark of Desire I have to remove from you all Cause of Complaint I do hereby
promise that if you will dispatch
Runners to bring back those Parties that are gone out, so that they may return
without having made the Path bloody, I will give Presents to the Relations of
your People that have been slain, sufficient to hide the Bones of the dead Men
and wipe away the Tears from the Eyes of their Friends.
But if you shall refuse to make up the Matter in an amicable Way and shall shed Blood of the Virginians, mark again what I say to you, the Armies of the Great King are strong and mighty, his Warriours are without Number, well armed, well cloathed, well fed and supplied with all the Necessaries of War; but you are few and will soon be in Want of every Thing when once the Trade is withdrawn from you. The English are the only Nation that can furnish you, and are willing to continue to do it, if you do not prevent them your Rashness when it is too late. The Governor of Virginia has given no Orders to his People to fall upon yours, but what they have done was their own private Act. . . .
Your Friend and Brother,
[William Henry Lyttelton]
Given at Charles Town
26th of September, 1758 [20]
BROTHER: The Governor of Virginia has acquainted you with our people’s behaviour, and we now hear it from you. We are ashamed and sorry to find how they have behaved, but it was not our orders. Since it has happened contrary to our desire, we beg that it may from this time be forgot, and hope that the path will still be open between us, and everything will be as usual.
What has happened seems as if it was done by people in their sleep, who dreamed a bad dream, but are now awakened out of it, and we hope that this talk (to confirm which we sent some beads) will make everything up, and let us live as before. Brother, when you read this, send it to our brother the Governor of Virginia, that he may read it and think well.
Old Hop
Little Carpenter
Standing Turkey
Willenawah [21]
Adair –
They accordingly sent out a large company of warriors, against those Germans, (or Tied-arse people, as they term them) to bring in an equal number of scalps to those of their own murdered relations. Or if they found their safety did not permit, they were to proceed as near to that settlement, as they conveniently could, where having taken sufficient satisfaction, they were to bury the bloody tomahawk they took with them. They set off by advancing pretty far into the high settlements of North-Carolina, the ambitious young leaders separated into small companies, and killed as many of our people, as fell into their power, contrary to the wise orders of their seniors, and the number far exceeded that of their own slain. [22]
Nathan Alexander to Lyttelton –
4th May, 1759
I thought it my Duty to inform your Honour of the melancholy News, the Indians supposed to be Cheerockees did on the 25th and 26th Days of April last murder and scalp three white Persons on the Yadkin River and eight Persons on the Fourth Creek and three Persons on the south fork of the Catabaw River which has put our Frontiers in sad Confusion. We have sent to Governor Dobbs to inform him and has sent out some scouting Parties for some Weeks till we get further Instructions. There is many of the Inhabitants have already moved away and many more will go except some Means will be made Use of in order to secure them for they expect more of the same Nature daly. [23]
Pinetree Hill, 5th May, 1759
Information upon Oath before Saml. Wyly, Esq.
On the south Branch of Catabaw River one Dutch Man named Conrod Mull, his Wife and Son sculped by the Indians (supposed to be Cherrockees) on the northern Side of said River in Wm. Morrison's Settlement eight Children of a white Man named Hannah, and two Families on the Adkin River (Names unknown) Sunday 29 Ult. As soon as the Catabaws heard of the Murder, 22 of them went out to bury the dead and 15 of their Warriours went voluntary under the Command of Mathew Tool accompanied by several white Men in Search of the Murderers. This Intellegence was given upon oath before me,
Samuel Wyly [24]
Lieutenant Coytmore to Lyttelton –
Forth Prince George, May 8th, 1759
On the 3d Instant I was acquainted that Moitoiy of Setticoe and his Gang consisting of about twenty-five Men, was arrived in one of these Lower Towns, from the Northward, and that he had brought in some white Scalps, from the Dutch Settlement, your Excellency has so often heard of. I sent for him to the Fort twice; when he came, but with great Reluctyance, he did not in the least deny what was said of him, and made no Scruple of telling me that he had taken eight Dutch Sclaps [sic] I could not help talking so harsh, that he left me and set off next Morning for the Over Hill Towns. [25]
Adair –
And there was another incident at Fort Prince-George, which set fire to the fuel, and kindled it into a raging flame: three light-headed, disorderly young officers of that garrison, forcibly violated some of their (Cherokee) wives, and in the most shameless manner, at their own houses, while the husbands were making their winter hunt in the woods - and which infamous conduct they madly repeated. . . . they took pleasure in insulting and abusing the natives, when they paid a friendly visit to the garrison. [26]
Hewatt –
The Garrison of fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, under the command of Captains Demere and Stuart, first discovered the ill-humour in which the Cherokee warriors returned from the northern expedition. The soldiers, as usual, making excursions into the woods, to hunt for fresh provisions, were attacked and some of them killed. From this time such dangers threatened the garrison, that every one was confined within the small boundaries of the fort. All communication with the distant settlement from which the received supplies being cut off, and the soldiers being but poorly provided, had not other prospects left but those of famine or death. Parties of young Indians took to the field, and rushing down among the settlements, murdered and scalped a number of people on the frontiers.
The commanding officer at fort Prince George having received intelligence of those acts of hostility, despatched a messenger to Charlestown to inform Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokee were gone to war, and that it would be necessary speedily to warn the people of their danger. In consequence of which orders were given to the commanders of the militia immediately to collect their men, and stand in a posture of defence, while the governor was making preparations in Charlestown for marching against them, in order to give a speedy check to their progress. Parties of the independent companies were brought to Charlestown for this purpose. The militia of the country had orders to rendezvous at Congarees, where the governor, with such a force as he could procure from the lower parts, resolved to join them, and march to the relief of the frontier settlements.
No sooner had the Cherokees heard of these war like preparations at Charlestown, than thirty-two of their chiefs set our for that place to settle all differences, and prevent if possible a war with the Carolineans. For although they could not restrain some of their Young men from acts of violence, yet the nation in general was still inclined to friendship and peace. As they arrived at Charlestown before the governor had set out on the intended expedition, a council was called . . . [27]
October 15, 1759
Oconostota -
Your Excellency is the beloved Man; I am come to talk with you. I come from my Governor, Old Hop, at Chote. There has been some bad doings at the Towns thereabouts, but I was not the beginner of them. Old Hop, my Governor, has always loved the white People, and I am come hither to prove it. The Path has been a little bad, but I am come to make it straight from your Excellency to my governor. There has been Blood spilled, but I am come to clean it up. I am a Warrior, but want no War with the English. Like a cloudy Morning that clears away again, I am endeavouring to clear away all that is bad.
(He laid some Deerskins at the Governor's Feet)
Your Warriors have carried the Hatchet to War against us. We have done the same against them, and both have acted like Boys. I am willing to bury the Hatchets of my young People, and put Weights on them never to be taken off again. I have heard that the Great King over the water talks good, and wants all Matters to be straight between the white People and the Indians, and that they shall not hurt one another. I have now finished my Talk and reckon myself as one with your Excellency.
Governor Lyttelton -
Oconostota, I have permitted you to lay down those Skins, but I do not accept them in Token of the Peace you propose.
Tistoe of Keowee –
Tho’ I love my brethren of the Fort [Prince George], yet I have found something bad about them, they have used us ill, and the officer says he is no afraid of us, their bad usage has occasioned our people to do what they have done, I am sory for it. The Officer gets drunk, he goes to our Houses & draws our Women from us, he paints himself and says he is a Warrior, but we are not Warriors, and has to do with our women at his own pleasure. The Gentleman that was at the Fort Before [Lachlan McIntosh] I loved, for he caused a Gun to be fired when any message came from Your Excellency, and alwise communicated it to us. [28]
Lyttelton -
You, Occonostota, and all of you, shall return safely to your Country, and it is not my intention to harm a Hair on your Heads; but having put many of my Warriors under Arms who well know the Mischief the Cherokees have done to the People of this Province, there is but one Way I can insure your safety. You shall go with my Warriors that will accompany me to your Country, and they will protect you. I have nothing further to add, and the Conference is finished. [29]
Hewatt –
A few days after holding this conference with the chieftains the governor set out for Congarees, the place of general rendezvous for the militia, and about one hundred and forty miles distant from Charlestown, where he mustered in all about one thousand four hundred men. To this place the Cherokees marched along with the army, and were to appearance contented, but in reality burning with fury and resentment. When the army moved from the Congarees, the chieftains, very unexpectedly, were all made prisoners, and, to prevent their escape to the nation, a captain’s guard was mounted over them, and in this manner they were obliged to march to fort Prince George. . . . the thirty-two Indians, upon the arrival of the army at fort Prince George, were all shut up in a hut scarcely sufficient for the accommodation of six soldiers . . .
Governor Lyttelton’s little army being not only ill armed and disciplined, but also discontented and mutinous, he therefore judged it dangerous to proceed farther into the enemies country. Having beforehand sent for Attakullakulla, who was esteemed both the wisest man of the nation and the most steady friend of the English, to meet him at fort Prince George, this warrior hastened to his camp from an excursion against the French, in which he had taken some prisoners, one of which he presented to the Governor. [30]
18th of
December, 1759, Fort Prince George
Lyttelton -
You told me yesterday that you had a good talk to make, and expected the same from me. You know it is the will of the great king his subjects and your people should live together in friendship, and you have said you desire not to break the chain thereof. It is a chain which our most gracious sovereign holds at one end, and you hold at the other. You know that, in order to keep this chain from contracting rust and hinder it from being broken, it was necessary certain conditions should be made; . . . It was agreed, that if an Indian should kill an Englishman, he shall be delivered up to be punished as the law requires. . . .
. . . while our people lay quietly in their houses, the Indians came, killed and scalped them. Last of all they put to death three men in the upper nation, and drove our people, who lived in their towns to furnish them with goods, into forts. As you know that your people have been guilty of all these crimes, and many more, I expected that you would not only come down with a good talk, but also would have offered satisfaction for them. I am now come here with a great number of warriors, to take that satisfaction I have more than once demanded. . . .
Some of the last ships that arrived at Charlestown brought me a good deal of news. A messenger has arrived with an account that the great city of Quebec is reduced, as also, that the warriors of the great king have taken all the forts on the lakes and upon the Ohio, and beat down all things in their way, as a hurricane would have done in its passage. The Indians in those parts, fearing his power has made peace with the great king. . . . If you will not believe what I say and imagine that the French are able to supply you with the necessaries which you want, you will be deceived, for they themselves are starving, and so much undone that they cannot furnish a blanket or a gun to the Choctaws, much less to you, who are removed at so great a distance from them.
These things I have mentioned to show you that the great king will not suffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction, and to let you know that the people of this province are determined to have it. What I say is with a merciful intention. If I make war with you, you will suffer for your rashness; your men will be destroyed, and your women and children carried into captivity. What few necessaries you now have will soon be done, and you will get no more. But if you give the satisfaction I shall ask, the trade will be again open to you, and all things go right. I have twice given you a list of the murderers; I will now tell you there are twenty-four men of your nation whom I demand to be delivered up to me, to be put to death, or otherwise disposed of as I shall think fit. Your people have killed that number of ours and more, therefore it is the least I will accept of. I shall give you till to-morrow morning to consider of it, and then I shall expect your answer.
Attakullakulla replied in words to the following effect:
He owned that the kindness of the province of South Carolina, but complained very much of the bad treatment his countrymen had received in Virginia which, he said, was the immediate cause of our present misunderstanding. That he had always been the firm friend of the English, of which he hoped his late fatiguing march against their enemies the French was sufficient proof: That he would ever continue such, and would use all the influence he had to persuade his country-men to give the governor the satisfaction he demanded, though he believed it neither would nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority one over another. He desired the governor to release some of the head men then confined in the fort to assist him; and added, that he was pleased to hear of the success of his brothers the English but could not help mentioning, that they showed more resentment against the Cherokees than they had used to other nations that had disobliged them; that he remembered some years ago several white people belonging to Carolina were killed by the Choctaws, for whom no satisfaction had either been given nor demanded. [31]
Hewatt –
Agreeable to the request of Attakullakulla, the governor released Occonostota, Fiftoe the chief man of Keowee town, and the head warrior of Estaloe, who next day delivered two Indians, whom Mr. Lyttelton ordered to be put in irons. After which all the Cherokees present, who new their connexions to be weak, being alarmed, fled out of the way, so that it was impossible to complete the number demanded.. . . a treaty was drawn up and signed by the governor and six of the head men; in which it was agreed, that those twenty-two chieftains of the Cherokee should be kept as hostages confined in the fort, until the same number of Indians guilty of murder be delivered up to the commander in chief of the province; that trade should be opened and carried on as usual; that the Cherokees should kill, or take every Frenchman prisoner, who should presume to come into their nation during the continuance of the war; . . .
Scarcely had Governor Lyttelton concluded the treaty of fort Prince George when the small-pox, which was raging in an adjacent Indian Town, broke out in his camp. As few of his little army had ever gone through that distemper, and the surgeons were totally unprovided for such an accident, his men were struck with terror, and in great haste returned to the settlements, cautiously avoiding all intercourse one with another, and suffering much from hunger and fatigue all the way. The governor followed them and arrived in Charlestown about the beginning of the year 1760. [32]
John Pearson to Lyttelton –
8th February, 1760
May It Please Your Excellency, The Result of this is to inform you in Brief of the deplorable State of our back Inhabitants, they being chiefly killed, taken Prisoners and drove into small Forts, only some who hath made their Escape by Flight and that as low as to Saxegotha Township, and we are now building Places of Safety in my District as well as we can. How long we may continue in Safety in them I know not for the Tourrant hath been so great they have burnt all Goudy’s House except the little Fort you built round his Barn, where he and Capt. Francis and some few more are penned up. They have likewise endeavoured a Fort [at] William Turner’s where they have had a smart Engagement, and as I hear they killed some of the Indians notwithstand the [sic] went away down to old Thomas Haverds and got into his Barn, and there theyt, the old Man and what few Men he had in House a considerable Time [sic], but in short they have burnt and destroyed all up Bush River, except Jacob Brooks wherte there is some People gathered together to stand in their own Defence. All up Saludy, Little River, Rabourn's Creek, Long Cane, and Steven's Creek, are all destroyed. I am informed they have killed 27 Persons on Rabourn's Creek, and out of 200 persons that were settled on the Long Canes and Steven's Creek not above 40 or 50 to be found. . . . [33]
Fort Prince George, February, 1760
I thought it my Duty to acquaint your Excellency with . . . the Deplorable Situation we are at present all in. I shall now proceed to [give] you an exact Account of what has happened since the 8th Instant.
Feb. 8th. The Warrior of Stecoe (one of the Hostages) died about 7 o'clock in the Evening; the Death Hoop was given three times over the River opposite the Fort. About Midnight a [large] Fire was made in the Middle of the Square at Keowee and the Indians heard all round the Remainder of the Night.
Feb. 9th. The Mankiller of Nucassee with six or seven more Indians rode into Keowee, the Fort [Loudoun] Path, with a Flag. Men and Women with Horses packed were going off all Day from Keowee, [the] Over Hill Path.
Feb. 10th. Tony of Chotee, one of the Hostages, died of the Small Pox; one of the South Carolina Regiment died. Discharged all our great Guns.
Feb. 11th. A Soldier in the Independent Companies and Chesquatalone, one of the Indians Hostages, died.
Feb. 12th. Ousonaletak of Joree, one of the Indian Hostages died; were told by an Indian Woman, that they were all rejoicing at Sugar Town, as they had brought in some white Men's Scalps from the Settlements, and that all of the Middle Settlement Indians were going down to War against the Frontiers.
Feb. 13th. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon three Indians fired from the Hills at one of our Centries but did no Hurt.
Feb. 14th. Skalitoskee, one of the Indians Hostages, a Soldier of the Independent Companies and a half Breed (David McDonald’s Son) who came with his Father died.
About Noon the Little Carpenter, the Great Warrior, and the Little Raven of Chotee with Charles [McLemore], and John Caldwell, came to the River side from over the Hills. As they were told by the Keowee People that we were daily burying our Men and very sickly, none would venture to come near the Fort, but the Great Warrior who with McLemore came up to the Parade. They delivered several Letters from Fort Loudon, intimating that they came for their Hostages, that the Over Hills were as yet quiet, but that Capt. Demere &c. were almost certain that they would soon go with the Flood.
I gave the same answer [to the] Great Warrior . . . that it was not in my Power to set the Hostages at Liberty. He . . . returned to the Little Carpenter very dissatisfied.
Feb. 16th. This Morning about 8 o'clock two Women came from Keowee Town to the River Side on which Mr. Ducharty went to the River on this Side to see if he could get any Intelligence from them, but while he was speaking to them, the Great Warrior form Over the Hills, came likewise to the River where the Women were, with a Bridle in his Hand. Dacharty asked him where he was going; he made Answer that he was going to catch a Horse to go down to see if the Governor would let him have his People out, and desired that Lieut. Coytmore and the Warriors would come and speak to him, on which they went down.
He told Lieut, Coytmore that he was going to Carolina, and want a white Man to go with him. He made him Answer that he would look out for one, but that he would not have a Horse. Immediately the Warrior gave a Signal with the Bridle, turned himself about and went off. As soon as he gave the signal off went about 25 or 30 Gun from the Indians that had concealed themselves under the Banks of the River before Daylight, as we supposed, shot Leiut. Coytmore through the left Breast, Ensign Bell slightly on the Calf of his Leg, Foster the Linguister, in the Buttock. They immediately made for the Fort as fast as they could, but it had been difficult for Lieut. Coytmore to have got in, had he not had Assistance from Ambrose Davis, who took him by the Arm and helped him along. The Wound we fear is mortal.
The Indians, as soon as they discharged their Pieces, ran off as fast as they could, and as they went off, the said Davis being out, on the Parade, with a good Rifle and seeing four or five running off together, he ran towards the River, fired at them and dropt one next the Fort, the others coming behind seeing him fall, helped him off.
As soon as our People had got into the Fort, they began to fire on us from the Hill, over and this Side the River, shooting several Bals in with Rifles and continued so till Evening, but has done no more Mischief yet. We fired some of our Cannon in to the Town, but can't say what Damage we have done. . . .
Our Men were very much exasperated on their Behaviour to us this Day. Lieut. Coytmore we did not imagine would survive the Day out. The Men swore bitterly, that they would kill every Indian in the Fort and several of them got their Bayonets fixed and swore they would do it immediately. I went to them and ordered them not to attempt any such Thing, for if they did, I should be obliged to use such measures which would be very disagreeable to me at this Time. But they still insisted that they would do it, let me do or use them as I pleased, for they said they were sure, they would do us more Hurt than those out if we should be engaged.
I then pacified them a little by telling, and ordering them to be put in Irons and tyed with Ropes. Sergeant Parsel accordingly got what Irons was in the Fort and Rops to secure them and they went to do it, but could not get one of them to come out of the House for they imagining that we intended to put them to Death, by what happened in the Morning, they therefore stood on their Defence with Tommyhawks and Knives, that they had concealed under Ground in the House. The Men seeing that went in to draw them out, but they were soon obliged to draw back, for they began to use their Weapons, and gave one of our Men a mortal Wound over the Head with a Tommyhawk and in the Belly with a Knife, and another slightly over the Forehead. With that the Men immediately fired on them and fell to work, but before I could get one to hear or answer me they laid them all lifeless, and happy for us all they were destroyed, for searching the House where they were kept found a bottle of Poison, that they had hid under Ground, which we imagined was to poison the Well. About eight of the Clock in the Evening the Enemy without fired two Guns which we imagined to be a Signal to the Hostages, they crying out at the same Time to fight strong and we will relive you. We then expected a general Attack, but they never attempted to come nearer that the Hills on each Side of the Fort, from whence they kept a continual firing all Night but did no more Harm. The Men lay upon their Arms in the Angles till Day Light.
Feb. 17th. The Enemy kept firing all Day and the Men at their Posts.
Feb. 18th. The Man that the Hostages wounded died, and two more of the Men of the Small Pox.
Feb. 19th. The Enemy kept firing, Men at their Posts.
Feb. 20th. The Firing still continued from the Hills, three and four Guns at a Time, then an Interval, and when they thought we was all quiet in the Fort, then popt in three or four more, and so continued till Night. [34]
Miln to Lyttelton –
Fort Prince George, Feb. 28th, 1760
Lieut. Coytmore departed this Life of the Wound received by the Indians. They are continually lurking about and firing on us by Times all Day. We had one of our Centries shot through the Jaw by a Ball from the Hills of which he died. Since then I have taken all Manner of Precaution I could to guard against their doing any more Micshief without making and Attack, which daily I am in Expectation of. I have taken all the loose Boards I could find about the Fort, and made Blinds to shelter the Centries and Men as they walk the Curtain Lines, we being just a Mark for them in the Fort, they having such Command over us from the Hills. I should be extremely glad if your Excellency could procure us a Reinforcement with what Dispatch you could, for what by Death and Sickness we are really very weak, and in a very bad Situation for the Want of Wood.
I should be very desirous of forwarding your Dispatches for Fort Loudon, but it is really an Impossibility our Enemies lying round us on every side. [35]
James Francis to Lyttelton –
Fort 96, March 6th, 1760
on Mundy just after sunrise two hundred and more of the Enemy began their Attack upon us, and that with no trifling Resolution, they scarce made any Cessation, but kept almost constant Fire all Day and the following Night, and some smart Volleys the next Day. We had two of our Men wounded, but hope not mortal. . . . we had Pleasure during the Engagement to see several of our Enemy drop, and we have now the Pleasure Sir, to fatten our Dogs with their Carcases, and to display their Scalps, neatly ornamented on the Top of our Bastions. [36]
Hewatt –
while the back settlers impatiently looked to their Governor for relief, the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militia could be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve the public. In this extremity an express was sent to General Amherst, the commander-in-chief in America, acquainting him with the deplorable situation of the province, and imploring his assistance in the most pressing terms. Accordingly, a battalion of Highlanders, and four companies of the Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Mantgomery, now Earl of Eglinton, were ordered immediately to embark, and sail for relief of Carolina.
Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Montgomery landed in Carolina.
. . . A few weeks after his arrival Colonel Montgomery marched to the Congarees, where he was joined by the internal strength of the province, and immediately set out for Cherokee Country. For a guide he was provided with a half-blooded Indian, who was well acquainted with the roads through the woods, and the passages through the rivers. [37]
Colonel Archibald Montgomery to General Jeffery Amherst –
Camp near Ft. Prince George, June 4, 1760
Sir,
I had the honor to inform your Excellency in my letter of the 24th of last month that we were in some distress for want of a sufficient number of bullocks to proceed with, however with the assistance of different parties of Rangers which had been sent out, we got together 300 bullocks and cows.
We marched from Ninety Six the 28th, and [the] 1st of this month we arrived about eleven o’Clock at Twelve Mile River; a very difficult pass, where we were assured by all the provinces that we should meet with opposition, but we passed the river without a shot being fired. . . .
As we met no opposition at this pass, and our scouts finding no Indian tracks round the country, I was convinced we were not discovered, and therefore resolved to proceed that night, even tho we had made a march of above twenty miles in the morning and had not halted since we left Ninety Six. We encamped in a square upon very advantageous ground within 150 yards of the river and placed our carriages in the center. We left our tents standing with a Captain, 120 of the King’s Troops, some few Provincials, and Rangers, as guard to our camp, carriages, and cattle, and I marched with the rest of the detachment at eight at night through the woods in hopes of surprising the town of Estatoe, the most considerable and most distant of the Cherokee towns in the lower Nation. Estatoe was about 25 miles from the camp we left. After we had marched about 16 miles in the night, a dog was heard barking in our front, upon which one of the guides informed me that there were a few houses about a distance of a mile from the road a little advances of us. I immediately detached the light infantry company of the Royals with orders to surround the houses and put the Indians to death without firing a shot. By accident a scout which had been at Ft. Prince George the day before was encamped there. The moment the Indians [at] the houses discovered our people they fired at them, upon which a few of our men returned the fire, but almost all the Indians in and about the houses were killed with bayonets. A good many women and children were made prisoners, some could not be saved. We found some other houses abandoned upon the road, and arrived at Estatoe early in the morning. The Indians had abandoned it about a half hour before, leaving their ammunition, provisions and, in short, all their effects behind them. About ten or a dozen of them were killed in endeavoring to make their escape. Some of them who had concealed themselves were burnt in the town, which we left in ashes, and then proceeded to their other towns which all shared the same fate. Their loss cannot amount to less than sixty or eighty killed and about forty prisoners, I mean men, women and children. Every town in their nation is burnt, & those towns more considerable than could be imagined, their houses neat and convenient and well provided with every necessary of life. There were above 200 houses at Estatoe besides the Townhouse & very near the same number at Sugar Town with a stockade fort, and there were not less than a hundred houses in any of their other towns. Those who escaped have neither ammunition, provision, nor any other resources that I know of, but getting over the mountains to their brother Indians. The soldiers found money and watches in some of their houses, their beds were warm in many places & in others their sapann was found warm upon the table and in their kettles. Everything being over, we arrived the 2nd at 4 o’Clock at Ft Prince George.
Our loss was very inconsiderable. Not above three or four men killed. Lieuts. Hamilton and Marshall of the Royal wounded, the first in the arm the other in the belly, but it is hoped both will recover, altho Marshall is not out of danger.
From the best accounts I have been able to pick up, I find it is almost impossible to proceed over the mountains, and indeed it does not appear to be necessary in the present situation of affairs. There can be no great advantage in continuing the war against those savages. The Lower Cherokees, who were the most guilty, have been sufficiently corrected for their insolence, & if a peace can be make with the whole, I think this the best thing which can happen to this Province. I therefore intend to make use of some Indians who have been improperly confined by the officer commanding in this fort where they came to treat with him. I shall set them at liberty at different times with directions to inform their Nation that although they see we can extripate them, yet they may still have peace, as they were formerly our friends and allies. One of them I intend to send to Fort Loudoun to invite the Little Carpenter [Attakullakulla] to come with some other Head Men and make peace for their Nation, which I intend to show some favor to, upon account of his good behavior. But the commanding officer at Ft. Loudoun is to acquaint him that if he does not come in a very few days, he may expect to see his towns in ashes. A threat, which by the way we could hardly put in execution, but I dare say it will have the desired effect in their present consternation.
The moment this affair is settled I shall return with all possible expedition to the place of embarkation and proceed to York according to your Excellency’s commands. I have the honor to be Sir,
Your Excellency’s Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant
Archibald Montgomery [38]
James Grant to Lyttelton –
June 10, 1760
‘Tis next to impossible for us to think of proceeding over the mountains. The whole country is the strongest and most difficult I ever was in. A few men, properly conducted, might retard the march of an enemy army. [39]
Hewatt -
While the army rested at fort Prince George, Edmund Atkin, agent for Indian affairs, despatched two Indian chiefs to the middle settlements, to inform the Cherokees that by suing for peace they might obtain it, as the former friends and allies of Britain. At the same time he sent a messenger to fort Loudon, requesting Captains Demere and Stuart, the commanding officers at that place, to use their best endeavours for obtaining peace with the Cherokees in the upper towns. Colonel Montgomery finding the savages were as yet disposed to listen to no terms of accommodation, determined to carry the chastisement a little farther. . . .[40]
Montgomery to Amherst –
Camp at Ft. Prince George July 2, 1760
Sir,
We marched the 24th as I had the honor to inform you in my letter from Keowee Town. I soon perceived the guides had misinformed me about the roads, which perhaps they did from ignorance, atho it is not unlikely that there was some design in it.
So difficult and strong country I never saw, passes innumerable which would make the march of a body of troop almost impracticable if the people who are in possession of the country had spirit to defend it. I am convinced 200 men properly conducted might make the passage of 2,000 a very difficult matter, however the Cherokees were good enough to give us no trouble until we got near Estatoe, the beloved town of the Middle Settlements. About six miles from that place we found a very considerable body of Indians consisting of the Lower & Middle & some of the Upper Settlements, & likewise some Creeks & Choctaws, if we can believe our interpreters; the whole posted upon very advantageous ground (of which there are many possessed by them). They certainly made the best they could to save their town, but the troops behaved with so much spirit and coolness, that they were driven from post to post, & the detachment arrived at Estatoe in very good order after a troublesome march of which great part must be imparted to the natural difficulties of the country. The savages indeed kept firing constantly upon us, & although often at a distance, as they have a number of rifles, they did execution. Poor Capt. Williams was killed, Capt. Sutherland, Lieuts. McMartin and McKinnon of the Highlanders, Capt. Peter Gordon, & Ens. Edington of the Royal, and the Surgeon’s Mate Monro of the Light Infantry wounded with about 16 Sgts. & rank & file killed, & near 60 wounded as you’ll see by the enclosed return, besides there were a few packhorsemen & Rangers killed & wounded, although to do the last justice, they got to places of greatest safety as fast as possible.
The Indians upon finding that they could not prevent our getting to the town, endeavored to cut off our packhorses and cattle, by Capt. Peter Gordon of the Royal, who had the rear-guard, prevented their doing us any harm in that way. He very properly took post and suffered their attack until a reinforcement was sent back to his assistance, and then he brought up the whole to the camp of Estatoe Town. The Indians I fancy will not soon forget us, they could not lose under fifty men that day. About forty of their bodies were found in three different holes where they had placed them standing, which is their method of burying warriors. I do not believe that they have a proportionable number wounded for our men never fired but when they were near them. Most of the shots which took place, I fancy, did the business.
We found considerable quantity of Indian corn in the town. Everything else was carried off, although numbers of the inhabitants made their escape just as we were entering the town, which is proof they had taken the precaution to carry off their effects for fear of accidents. They were not so careful with their provisions as about their other effects, for a considerable quantity of Indian meal was found scattered about trees near the town.
The destroying an Indian town when the savages have time to carry off their effects is a matter of no great consequence. This one rather cost us too dear. We should have found the next abandoned, but we must have lost men in getting to it, & the same thing if we had gone to a 3rd & 4th town. The advantage of burning a few empty houses did not appear to me to be equal to the loss which we must sustain in that impracticable country, besides the consideration of the wounded was very distressing. We had brought them up from the different places where they fell, not a man was left alive upon the ground. We were 60 miles from Ft. Prince George, and consequently they could not be sent back, it would have been inhumane to abandon them, & it was impossible to proceed with them as many of them were to be carried on litters and the others on horseback, & I was obliged to destroy some flour [so] that they might have the horses and if the number had increased it would have been impossible to carry them off. So that, all those things considered, I determined to return march down the country & embark directly for New York, being convinced that we have done as much as you intended when you honored me with your instructions. We extended the frontier of the Province, we succeeded in everything we have attempted, but it is impossible for this detach-ment to extripate them, and they will not treat with us for fear of being made prisoners, for which reason a peace is at present impracticable. After halting two days at Estatoe to recover the troops from the great fatigue they had suffered, we stole a march upon them in the night in order to get clear of the many dangerous passes near that town with our wounded and provisions. . . .
Your, Excellency’s Most Obedient and Most Humble Servant
Archibald Montogmery [41]
On Tuesday night his honor the Lt. Governor received answers to the dispatches sent express by Capt. Tucker to Gov. Fauquier of Virginia; according to which a regiment of 1,000 men under Col. Byrd, had orders to march for relief of Fort Loudoun, and to act afterwards with us, as occasion may require, against the Cherokees.
August 13, 1760
Sunday last arrived in town the hon. Archibald Montgomery, Esq., commander in chief of the detachment of his majesty’s troops sent hither by General Amherst at the solicitation of our late governor, to punish the Cherokees for their perfidy.
On Monday morning likewise arrived in town the grenadiers and light infantry companies of the king’s First or Royal Regiment of foot, and all Col. Montgomery’s Highlanders, and were immediately embarked on board the transports which are to carry them to New York. They brought down with them all the Cherokee prisoners taken during the expedition, viz. 1 man and 32 women and children.
Major Fredrick Hamilton, whom Col. Montgomery has left with four battalion companies of the Royal to cover the frontiers and repress incursions of the Cherokees is returned to the Congarees.
An express is this day come in from Fort Loudoun, by whom we learn, that that garrison daily expected the army to their relief, and were reduced to their very last shifts, not having above 2 or 3 weeks provisions at most, and being obliged to kill what horses they could to eat.
That although the Little Carpenter continued their friend, they had been able to procure but very little corn lately, the Indians being short of that article themselves. That the Indians pretended to them, that they had beat the army back, taken two drums, one horse load of ammunition, flour, and had killed and scalped so many that their hands were sore; and that other such tales to which the garrison gave no credit.
Hewatt –
the distant garrison of fort Loudoun, consisting of two hundred men, was reduced to the alternative of perishing by hunger, or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. The Governor having information that the Virginians had undertaken to relieve it, for a while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to hear the news of that happy event. But the Virginians were equally ill qualified with their neighbors of Carolina, to sent them any assistance. So remote was the fort from every settlement, and so difficult was it to march an army through the barren wilderness, where the various thickets were lined with enemies, and to carry, at the same time, sufficient supplies along with them, that the Virginians had dropped all thoughts of the attempt. [42]
Fort Loudon, June 2, 1760
Paul Demere -
What news of the towns?
Little Carpenter -
I am not the man to ask for news. The Indians hide everything from me, and say that I am the white man's friend. [43]
Hewatt –
Provisions being entirely exhausted at fort Loudon, the garrison was reduced to the most deplorable situation. For a whole month, they had no other subsistence but the flesh of lean horses and dogs, and a small supply of Indian beans, which some friendly Cherokee women procured for them by stealth. [44]
Henry Timberlake -
Many of the soldiers in the garrison of Fort Loudoun, having Indian wives, these brought them a daily supply of provisions though blocked up, in order to be starved to surrender, by their own countrymen; and they persisted in this, notwithstanding the express orders of Willinawaw, who, sensible of the retardment this occasioned, threatened death to those who would assist their enemy; but they laughing at his threats, boldly told him, they would succour their husbands every day, and were sure, that, if he killed them, their relations would make his death atone for theirs. Willinawaw was too sensible of this to put his threats into execution, so that the garrison subsisted a long time on provisions brought to them in this manner. [45]
Hewatt -
Long had the officers endeavoured to animate and encourage the men with the hopes of relief; but now being blockaded night and day by the enemy, and having no resource left, the men threatened to leave the fort, and die at once by the hands of the savages, rather than perish slowly by famine. In this extremity, the commander was obliged to call a council of war, to consider what was proper to be done; when the officers were all of opinion, that it was impossible to hold out any longer, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the Cherokees, on the best terms that could be obtained from them. [46]
August 7, 1760
Article I. That the Garrison of Fort Loudoun march out with their arms and drums; each soldier having as much powder and ball as their officers shall think necessary for the march, and what baggage they may chuse to carry.
Article II. That the garrison be permitted to march to Virginia, or Fort Prince George, as the Commanding Officer shall think proper, unmolested. And that a number of Indians be appointed to escort them, and to hunt provisions for the march.
Article III. That such soldiers as are lame, or by sickness disabled from marching, be received into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, and then be returned to Fort Prince George.
Article IV. That the Indians do provide the Garrison with as many horses, as they can conveniently, for the march, agreeing with the officers or soldiers for payment.