Appalachian Summit

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10. Over The Hills

 

 

 

The Overhill Cherokee villages had long petitioned Governor Glen in Charles Town for the construction of a fort similar to Fort Prince George which protected the Lower Towns.  They argued that during hunting season when nearly all the able-bodied  men were away procuring skins for trade, their old men, women, and children were vulnerable to raids from hostile Indians.  Though Glen had long promised such a fort, he had been unable to secure financing.  Ever eager for a way to break the Charles Town trade monopoly, the Overhills  approached  both the English in Virginia and the French at New Orleans about building a fort in exchange for trade.  Virginia, with the French and their allied Indians threatening their back settlements, was desperate for any way to convince the Cherokees to send warriors to their aid. 

 

 

James Beamer to Governor Glen –

Cherrokees, Feb. 11^th, 1756

   I likewise acquaint your Excellency that the Governor of Virginia has sent in an Express by Abraham Smith for all the Head men of the Nation with Old Hope to meet two Gentlemen that he has sent to deliver a Talk to them with some Presents which I find consist in Ammunition.  The two Gentlemen is two of his Council, one Colonel Bord and the other I did not hear his Name.  The meeting is to be the fifth of next Month about sixty Miles on this Side the Catawbaws which is about eighty Miles from this Nation.  It is a Pity there was not some body of Note from our Province to hear their Talk and copy it.  Richard Smith is to be their Lingister, if I can spare Time I shall go to hear the Talk.  [1]

 

Governor Glen to Little Carpenter -

Feb. 17, 1756

The Regard I have for your Nation gave rise to the Promises I made you to begin a Fort this Spring, and as that still continues and encreases, as well as because I made such Promises, you need not doubt the Performance.

Our People will be with you toward the End of the Month of April but I send up this person before to view the properest Spot for its Situation. There are many Things he must have an Eye to, he must consider that the Intention of our building a Fort there was to guard your Nation against your Enemies the French and their Indians, and as it most natural to think if they come in a Body they will come up Tennessee River therefore it must be upon that River and near the Place where Enemies are most frequently discovered but as small Parties of Indians may come from other Quarters and fall upon your Towns the next Design of it is to receive your Women and Children upon such Emergencies that they may be in a Place of Security while the Warriours give Chase to the Enemy. . . .

There are in like Manner some Things he must have in View in the Situation of that Fort that it may be conducive to the Health of the Soldiers who are garrisoned in it.  It must be built in a good Air and near good Water not very near any Eminence and not far from good Corn Land or from a convenient Range for their Cattle and that their Creatures may not be hurtful to your Crops the Range for them should be lower down than the Fort.

I send him also to take a View of the Quantity of Corn you may have that we may know what we can certainly trust for the Supply of our Men for some Months for I hope they will be there Time enough to plant sufficiently for themselves.  [2]

 

    Governor Lyttelton to Old Hopp, Emperor of the Cherokees Indians -

                                            Charles Town, June 3d, 1756

Loving Friend and Brother, His Majesty the great King George having appointed me to be Governor of the Province of South Carolina, I send this Messenger to acquaint you therewith, and to let you know I am arrived in Charles Town, and to assure you that the great Regard which the King has for all his Children the Indians shall be most readily shewn by me upon all Occasions, wherein I and my beloved Men can be of Service to you.

. . . You have long desired that a Fort be built in the Overhills for the Protection of your Women and Children, while your young Men are out in the Woods at War against your Enemies; I have the King's Commands to build one.  My Warriours are now marching thither for that Purpose.  [3]

 

    Captain Raymond Demere to Governor Lyttelton -

                                       Ninety Six, June 9th, 1756

Sir, After having congratulated your Excellency on your safe Arrival to this Province, I do myself the Honour to acquaint you that late last Night I received your Orders, by the Hands of James Glen, Esq., late Governor and agreeable therewith I disbanded this Morning the Provincial Troops in a due form; I shall be punctual in executing the Remainder of the Orders your Excellency has been pleased to send me as soon as possible, and to transmit also a State of Fort Prince George at Keowee, which I may venture to say is in a bad Way of Defence &c. . . .

As Lieut. Outerbridge with the two Parties from Fort Moore and Augusta is ordered back again, I find my self only with a young Officer (Ensign Coytmore).  Although very capable, I have considered to myself that at this present Time, such a Command too heavy and too troublesome upon him; therefore I propose to march the party to Keowee myself and remain there till I hear further from your Excellency. . . .

All the Waggons and Carts of the Number of thirty-one are gone a head within this two Days for Keowee.  We were to sett out this Day to proceed on our March, had not your Excellency's Orders prevented it.  We were 300 Men on the spot. 

Governour Glen has proposed to me to take the Provisions on my own Account on giving a Receipt for it (but have refused it) intending to be intirely guided by your  Excellency’s Directions;  I fancy he has a Mind to proceed as far as Keowee, in order to lodge the Provisions and other Stores he brought with him there.  There is no Corn to be had here and I am informed there is no Corn to be had in the Nation.

 

Ninety Six, June 15th

 I thought it very necessary not to leave this Place till I saw Governor Glen into his Coach for his return home, for many Reasons, the People here not being of the best sort. . . .

As some of the Cherockees in all Probability will soon be with your Excellency, Mr. Glen has sent down Waggons with the Indian Presents, which he intended to distribute to those People, and which had been sent up with the Provisions to Keowee, and now remains there but not under my Directions, having not received Orders to take charge of them. . . .

NB.  Since my Letter’s wrote, Mr. Beamer, the Father, and Mr. Richard Smith came here, and reported that  fifty Indians, with some of their Heads, of the Lower Towns came to meet up half Way from this Place, being in high Spirits, in order to kill Meat for us, but meeting with Benn, Carrier of your Excellency’s Letter, he telling them that the Governor was going back, and that most of the Men were dismissed here, the Indians returned home seeming very sorowfull.  Your Excellency’s Letter was read and interpreted to them by Mr. Smith and were advised by him to send immediately one of their own Runners over to Chote in order to come to see the new Governor at Charles Town.  They said it was no Occasion they would as soon come down by the Governor’s Invitation.  Mr. Beamer thinks they will not come at this Time of the Year for Fear of getting Sickness, further he says that they are starveing for Want of Provisions. 

 

Fort Prince George, June 23^rd, 1756

Sir, I do myself the Honor to acquaint your Excellency that on the 19th Instant, in the Evening, I arrived at this Fort. . . .

All  the Indians are now employed in building me a large House which they intend to cover with Bark to be a Place of Retirement for me in the Heat of the Day.  This they begged I would suffer them to do only on hearing me complain of the Heat of the Sun.  In short their Kindness and Civility is scarce to be expressed.

 

June 24^th

One of the Chief Men desired me to acquaint your Excellency that he hoped their Traders would be supplied with Goods as they are most of them Naked, the great Scarcity of Provisions obliging them to dispose of their Cloaths for Necessarys of Life.  The Indians are really very poor but I am convinced that it was at the Instance of the Traders they made this Request.

 

July 6^th

This Fort is in a very bad Situation, (for my own Part I had much rather be in an open Field then be in it, as I should think myself more safe) as the Indians may at any Part pass and repass over the Ditches and Walls. . . . I shall immediately begin to repair it by making the Ditches wider and deeper and repairing the Breaches in the Ramparts, and rising  Parapets.  I would have repaired it with Pallisadoes, but Timber is a very great Distance from this Fort, and I have not the Conveniency of a Waggon or Cart to bring the same.

 

July 10^th

Mr. Smith tells me, for certain, that there is at Chottee about 100 Men which are come from Virginia in order to help to build a Fort and brought with them 40 Head of Cattle; they are under the Command of one Major Lewis and Capt. Overton.  Major Lewis would have wrote to me by Mr. Smith but being very much indisposed desired to be excused.  They not finding us there, at the Request of the Indians, they are now building a wooden Fort about a Mile above the Town of Chottee, which is five Miles above the Place appointed by Mr. Pearson for the building of our Fort and on the other Side of the River.  These Virginians propose to return back to Virginia as soon as their Fort is finished, but the Indians intends to apply to the Governor of Virginia for 100 Men to garrison the same immediately.  The Chiefs of the Cherrockees informed the Virginians that the Place they had appointed for the building of their Fort was the most proper Place for intercepting all Shawannoe Indians that come by Land and the Carolina Fort all that should come by Water so that having those two Forts well garrisoned they should be in greatest Security.  [4]

 

Old Hopp and Little Carpenter to Captain Demere -

Chotte, July 7^th, 1756

We are very glad to hear that you have come so far as Keowee on your Way to build a Fort at the Place appointed. . .

The Virginia People promised us a Fort the other Day and are now here building it.  But I must once more press you to send your Men off as soon as possible and I expect yourself to come in Company with me, who will be there in about six days Time, and then we shall Talk of all Affairs.[5]

 

Major Lewis to Captain Demere -

Chotte, July 7th, 1756

Sir, The twenty eighth of last Month I arrived here.  My Reception was very Good.  I made no doubt but all the Forces from South Carolina, intended for that Nation, would been here long before my Arrival.  I am informed that the new Governor for South Carolina is arrived and I suppose your former Orders countermanded.  On my arrival here I had the Indian Chiefs assembled and proposed joining the Carolina Forces in building them a Fort.  They would by no Means hear of it, they insisted on our building them a Fort at Chotte and told me they had laid off a Spot for the Carolina People to build another, and to satisfy them I was obliged to comply.  I have begun the work.

This Day I had the Indian Chiefs together, and insisted on having 400 of their men ready to march with me as soon as I have the Fort built, to which they had no Objection, the Indians complain much for Want of Ammunition.  I brought but a small Quantity with me.  The Governor of Virginia from whom I had my Orders, told me that a large Quantity of Ammunition would be brought from Carolina.  I hope Sir it is so, for the Indians insist on my leaving them a Quantity in the Fort when built, and it will take a great Quantity to fit out 400 Men for the March.  [6]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

Fort Prince George, July the 19^th, 1756

The same day that Mr. Richard Smith set out from this Fort with my Dispatches to your Excellency, his Brother arrived here from Virginia with a Letter from Governor Dinwiddie for the Headmen of the Cherockees to entreat them to go to Virginia.  The Little Carpenter was present there at the reading of the Letter and said that he could say nothing of himself and that Smith must go to Old Hopp; and gave but little Hopes of Success, and gave me to understand that he was willinger to serve this Province then that of Virginia. . . .

Governor Didwidie also mentioned in his Letter “that on the Return of the Cherockees from Virginia the young Men did commit several Robberies and behaved in a very bad Manner”.  To which the Little Carpenter replied that he did not well know what to make of Governor Dinwiddie’s Letter that he had sent them a good Talk and a bad one together for says he if the Governor complains of the few Men that were in Virginia pray what might he expect from the great Number he wants. . . .

The Little Carpenter is a very sensible Fellow and has a great deal of Influence over the Indians.  I believe him to be a Welwisher to the English.  The Cherockees are all actuated by him and Old Hopp and to all Appearance we have them pretty fast attached to our Interest.  A Continuance of their Alliance and Friendship I may assure your Excellency I have spared no Pains to obtain and bring them to it. 

 

July 21^st

Sir, This Morning the Little Carpenter came to Breakfast with me and appeared to be as good Friends as usual.  After Breakfast was over he went out and sometime after he came in to me and brought a Number of Indians with him, and a Liguister; he immediately asked me if the Men for Chottee were ready to march, for that he intended to sett out the very next Day. . . .   He told me . . . Governor Glen had told him a great many Lies and that he should take no more Notice of what I said then he did of Governor Glen's Promises, and that he believed me to be no better and as great a Lyer as Governor Glen.  He said when he first came here he took me to be a very great Warriour but now he looked on me to be no more than a little Boy.  I told him I was much surprized by his Manner of talking and at his sudden Change of Mind and that I should be glad to know the Reason of talking in the Manner he did after so much professed Friendship.  To which he answered that what he had said he had said, and that I need not ask him any more Questions on that Head. 

It seems that this Affront proceeded originally from a Promise made him by Governor Glen of 2 Keggs of Rum which he said Governor Glen had mentioned to him in a Lettter and that he was bringing of it up with him.

I told [him] that pursuant to what I had sometime before mentioned to him  I would get him a Cagg of Rum myself for him to carry to his own Town to drink with Old Hopp and that the same was ready for him at any time he should call for it. 

 

July 25th

 Sir, After having complied with the Little Carpenter’s Requests, by getting him a Cagg of Rum to drink with his Friends, he went to Keowee with all his People and was as good as his Word for neither he nor any of them came near the Fort till the next Morning about 8 o'Clock at which Time the Little Carpenter came into the Fort very drunk, supported by 2 young Fellows belonging to Keowee, of the worst Sort, for none of his people would come with him because they know him to be a very troublesome Fellow when drunk.  I happened to be seen by him when he came into the Fort and was obliged to sit with him.  He soon became so troublesome that I could not stay any longer with him.  Then he made a Motion to strike me in the Face with a Bottle that he had brought with him into the Fort.  I immediately got up and desired several of the Indians from Keowee to carry him away which they did and I heard no more of him till next Morning.  As soon as he came in he began to make all the Apologies he possibly could for what he had been guilty of the Day before and told me that Rum was the Occasion of it and begged that nothing be remembered.  . . . for says he there were 3 of us together when the Thing happened, that I was the first, himself was the second, and the Rum was the third.  That the Keowee People had scratched him that Morning enough to make him remember it and to make his Blood good.  . . . All his Men as well as the Keowee People behaved themselves very well and were concerned at the Carpenter's Behaviour to me.  They said he would use his Father King George or his Brother the Governor in the like Manner when in drink. 

 

July 28th

I am informed by the Warriour that . . . the Virginians have finished their Fort at Chottee and are now building Houses in the Fort and are preparing to return.

 

July 30th

Mr. Abraham Smith is returned from Chotytee and relates that all are easy and well there and that Old Hopp was well pleased at the Report the Great Warriour’s Brother made of me and has promised all the Assistance to the distressed Virginians that lies in his Power.  The Little Carpenter was expected there to consult about same.  Major Lewis has the Promise of 100 Men at least to march with him into Virginia.

 

August 8th

I am informed that Mr. Elliott, the Trader, is bringing a 100 Keggs of Rum up with him.  If this should be true (as I believe it is) I shall stop the same here for should he be suffered to carry it over the Hills the Consequences would be dreadful. . . .

I dispatched Richard Smith yesterday with your Excellency's Letter for Chottee.  He takes with him three Horses loaded with Powder and Ball for Major Lewis, 150 wt. Powder and 300 wt. Bullets.

 

Aug. 11th

The Little Carpenter and Old Hop has sent me Word . . . [to] proceed up immediately, and says if we don't come soon they will be [laughed] at, and looked on as Lyars by their young men and Warriours to [whom] they have affirmed that we were in our Way up. . . . He says that the Virginians at Chottee have built their Fort and that Old Hop and [the] Little Carpenter desired him to tell me that the Carolinaans had [promised] to build them a Fort for many Years past and they could see nothing [done] to it, but that the Virginians, from whom they received the like [Promise], but the other Day, had finished them a Fort already notwithstanding [the] Carolina Men had a broad Path from Charles Town to the very Place and the Virginians are for the most Part of the Way obliged to come through the Woods in small intricate paths.  [7]

 

 

Old Hopp to Governor of Virginia

 

I expect that in 20 Days this Letter will be delivered to you and when this Moon is gone in the beginning of the next I will set off my young Men to Virginia.  Our Towns are very long and there is but a few Men walking in them though I will send a 100 Men to assist my Brothers. . . .

Your Honour promises by your Express that you will provide us with all Necessaries.  I desire that there may be some Arms and Ammunition sent here to the Fort for us, and I hope that you will not deceive us; I also desire that your Honor would send up 100 Men to garrison the Fort and I myself will live there in the Fort with them.  My Men with the Assistance of that Number of your Warriours shall be able to drive any Enemy that dare attack the Fort.  I desire that you will send a Smith here to mend our Guns &c.

As to the Carolina Men they have promised us a great many Things but we cannot find one Word of Truth in anything they say or promise us.[8]

 

Evening Orders by Capt. Rayd. Demere

Fort Prince George, 25th August, 1756

 

As there is no proper Place about the Fort for the Incampment of the two Companies they are to incamp at Mile Creek at this side of the Cow-pen and there to remain till further Orders.

A subaltern Officer, one Serjeant, one Corporal, one Drummer and 25 Private Men are to mount a Guard daily at their Camp and five Men of each Company are to take care of the Horses in their proper Turn to prevent the Horses from coming into the Indians Cornfields as they are very near them and no Fences round their Fields.  The Men are likewise forbid to go themselves into the said Fields or to do any Kind of Damage to the Indians by pulling or destroying their Corn, Watermellons &c., or from using the Indians or their Women ill; otherwise they may expect to be tried by a Court Marshal and severely punished.  [9]

 

 

Captain Demere to the Traders of the Middle Settlements

 

Gentlemen, As the Expedition of building the Fort at the Upper Cherockees, is to be forwarded with all possible Dispatch, you are therefore required, without Delay, to proceed immediately here, with all the Horses your can possibly raise . . . to assist in carrying the Provisions &c. over the Hills, for which you shall be reasonably paid.

I shall expect you in 10 or 12 Days furthest.  [10]

 

 

Talk of the Cherokee Head Men to Captain Demere

28^th August, 1756

 

Old Hopp says that he looks on every thing that has been told him about the Carolina Warriours coming up, to be Nothing but Lies for that when he goes to Bed he expects to be alarmed by Capt. Demere's Guns or to see him in the Morning but contrary to his Expectations he wanders about the whole Day and can't see him. . . . he is uneasy at his Stay at Keowee and has stopped all the Warriors from going to Virginia or else where, till Capt. Demere and his Warriours gets up.  [11]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

Fort Prince George, August 29^th, 1756

On the 24th Instant in the Evening Mr. DeBrahm, Capt. Stewart, Lieut. Goldsmith and Col. Chevillette arrived and informed me that they had left the rest of the Officers with the Troops at 18 Mile Creek.  The next Day they advanced as far as three Mile Creek. . . .

Mr. DeBrahm delivered me a Letter from your Excellency  (the Contents of which shall be observed with the greatest Exactness) . . . I fear and am certain that the Number of Men he wants daily to be employed at the Works cannot be got nor is it possible to supply him with the like Number, some will be sick, lame and indisposed and the working Men that goes into the Woods for Timber must have a constant Guard with them  . . I hope that he will be reasonable that everything he wants may be granted to him to forward the present Execution.

The Indians are of such a Temper that they will have everything to the exact Time they are Promised, otherwise they say we are all Lyars without Exception.  I have been told for certain that the Indians over the Hills will now have the Fort built nearer to them, they give for Reason that it will be of no Service to them if it be so far off, if so I shall represent to them the Difficulty our People will have in raising Corn.[12]

 

Sept. 12th

as Old Hop and the Little Carpenter are both so wavering and so much biassed in the French Interest. . . . Headmen of these five Lower Towns . . . say that the Overhill Towns may do whatever they please but if they incline to turn to the French they will divide the Nation and be true to the English. . . . The large Quantities of Iron that is come from Charles Town at the different Times is enough to build any Citadel has struck a great Terror amongst many of the Indians they imagine they are brought up on Purpose to put them in Irons and make them Prisoners and the same News was sent to the Creeks and to the French.  [13]

 

From the English Camp, one Mile and a half from the Town of Tomately

October 13^th, 1756

Sir, On the 21^st last Month I marched from Fort Prince George; I arrived at Highwassey on the 26^th. . . .

The 1st of October I arrived at Tomatly.  On our Approach to that Town our Swivels were fired, their Colours hoisted and our Party under Arms.  Old Hop in the Midst of about two hundred Indians was at a little Distance all painted and dressed in their best.  He sent two Warriours to me who desired me to alight from my Horse; they supporting me one under each Arm carried me to Old hop.  We imbraced one another very lovingly and many Complements passed one to another.  I was surprized to meet with such a Reception after the bad Talks I had heard and the Accounts I received from Major Lewis at Prince George. . . .

On the 4th Instant Old Hop and the Little Carpenter went with me to put me in Possession of any Place I should like best for a Fort.  I told them that Mr. DeBrahm was the fittest Person to chose a Place for the Fort, he being the Engineer.  Several of us went together.  Mr. DeBrahm did not approve of the Place chose by Mr. Pearson; it was more for Contradictions Sake than any Thing else.  He went on a Mile further and pitched upon a Place where the River made a Kind of a Fork but very dismal Place and a Kind of Desert, and where there was no planting Ground for the Men.  The Indians told him that if he should build a Fort there the Men would starve; 1^st because they had no planting Ground.  Secondly, it was a very dangerous Place for them to come to, that the Enemy was always lurking thereabouts.  Thirdly, that a Fort if built there would be of no Service to them, that they should never come near it nor their Women should never be permitted to bring us any Necessarys.  Mr. DeBrahm still insisted that the Fort should be built there on account of the River.  The Indians assured him that they were not in the least Danger of any Enemy that should attempt to come that far by Water as Nothing but Cannoes could come.  I just represented to him, as Commanding Officer, for the Benefit of the Men, that there was no planting Ground and that the Indians were not pleased, but that he might build the Fort where he thought most proper.  Mr. DeBrahm hereupon took one of his Pistols from the Holster and offering it to me told me to shoot him through the Head; this he spoke with such Passion and Fury that the like was never seen.  I told him he might blow up his Brains himself if he would.  When Old Hop and the Little Carpenter saw this, they said that the Fort should not be built there and  after great Arguments he came back to the first Ground which is a fine Spot pleasant and agreeable, there being seven hundred Acres of Land beautifully situated belonging to it which I was put in Possession of.  It is a Pleasure to me to see the Indians coming to us both by Land and Water with Eatables &c. to sell to the People which they do in such Numbers that this Place already begins to have the Appearance of a Market.  [14]

 

John William Gerard DeBrahm –

When the Author arrived with 300 men at little Tomathly, on the west side of the Apalachian Mountains, went recognizing [reconnoitering] the Place intended for a Fort; was accompanied by Captains Raymond Demere, John Stuart, and John Postel; also the Indian Emperor (old hope); and the great Conjuror (Attakulla-kulla; or the little Carpenter), and younge Beamer, a Mustee who served as Interpreter; when the Author saw the Place, he observed not only that a Ridge of Mountains at the N.E. side of the River, but also, that two Eminences, on to the N.W., and another  to the S.E. commanded the Place, so that he could not agree to fix on that Spot seemingly a favorite Place of the Indians, wherefore he had much ado to convince Them of the Impropriety to build a Fort between three commanding Eminences; His Arguments would have required less Force, had the other Officers (who seemingly inclined out of Complisance to the Indians to favour their Choice) joined the Author, who at last shewed the Indians that the Men's very Shoe Buckles was seen from either of these three Mountains, could therefore not serve for a Fort to protect their old Men, Women, and Children, what could not protect its own Garrison.  They then consented he should choose the Northwestern Mount, being a narrow Ridge . . . A Rhombus with two obtuse and two acute angular Bastions, was the Figure which the Fort could receive from the Bearings of the River and the Mountain, who with a rocky Precipice 41 feet high from the Waters Superfices terminates upon the Rivers edge, each Poligon extended 300 feet in Length, with a Breast-Work of 21 feet thick. . . . each Bastion mounts three Cannons; each Cannon is of 16 ounces caliber or bore. These small Cannons were brought with the greatest Difficulty, and great Expences over the Apalachian mountains; the Indian Trader (one Ellis) undertook to bring them from Fort Prince George, opposite Keowee, on the east side of the Apalachian Mountains; Ellis contrived to poise on each Horse a Canon crossways over the Pack Saddle, and lashed them round the Horse's Body with Belts; but as these Horses had to cross a Country full of high Mountains, and these covered with Forrests, it would happen, that sometimes one End of a Canon did catch a tree, twist upon the Saddle and drew the Horse down, some of which by these Accidences their Backs broken under the Weight, and lost their Lives; the longest Journey these Horses could make was six miles a day. [15]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

From the English Camp on the Tennessee River

October 16^th, 1756

Mr. DeBrahm has begun a Fort that Part of it is on a Rock.  Some say will be finished in eight Months and others say not less than twelve Months.  The Regulars do all the duty here; an Officer and twenty-one Men mounts Guard daily which is as few possible.  It is impossible that Mr. DeBrahm can be furnished with one hundred and twenty Men per Day, but shall take every Measure in my Power to forward the Work agreeable to your Excellency’s Directions.  [16]

 

The 28^th Oct.

All Animosities are laid aside at least on my Part, and Mr. DeBrahm has dined with me and appears better natured.  I have thought proper on this Occasion  to dispatch Mr. Elliot to Keowee in order to bring up the swivel Guns, and the remainder of Bread and Flower, six Barrels of Flower and three Ditto of Bread that the Commissary left behind.

I must acquaint your Excellency that we cannot intirely depend on these Indians for Corn. The Commissary did inform me that there was not the least Danger, but we should have the greatest Plenty.  But it is so far from that, that we have got but verry little from them as yet, and I perceive that they begin to grow very saving of their Corn on the Account of the great Famine that was amongst them last Year. . . I think it absolutely necessary that we should have at least four Waggon Loads of bread Kind sent up from the Congrees as soon as possible.  [17]

 

Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddie to the Cherokee Head Men -

13th November

You, by that Treaty,  desired a Fort to be built in your Upper Country which has been constructed to the Satisfaction and Approbation of all your People.  On your Part you agreed by that Treatee when the Fort was finished you would send a good Number of your Warriors to go to War against your Enemies and ours.  I must take Notice you have failed in performing this Part of the Treaty though I have at a great Expence provided a good Number of fine Arms, Powder and Lead, for the use of your Warriors. . . . [18]

 

Old Hop’s Talk to Captain Rayd. Demere

English Camp, November 15th

Old Hop says that last Spring the Savannahs came to him at Chota, and brought him some Scalps of the White People, and some barbecued Flesh [of the English], and told him that it was good to kill and eat the English and that they would eat the first Mouth full and he must eat the second.  He says that he refused to do it and severely repremanded them.

November the 16th

He says that the Man Killer is gone in an underhanded Manner to the French, but that all the seven Over Hill Towns well remembers the good Talk he has given them and that they will not be actuated by the Tellico People.  He says that the Savannahs, Tellico People and French are quite inconsiderable to the Number of Men he has.

He says he is determined to tye every Frenchman that comes in and deliver them up to Capt. Raymond Demere.  [19]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

From the English Camp, November 18th

The Friendship of this Nation is so very advantageous to the French that they will spare no Cost whatever to carry their Point, and I think that [it’s] equally as advantageous to us.   Indians are a Comodity that are to be bought and sold, and the French will bid very high for them.  And on this particular Occasion if we don’t bid as high we shall [absolutely] lose them, for Indians are but Indians and are but very little to be depended on; the highest Bidder carries them off. . . .

Mr. DeBrahm ought to conduct himself a little better than he does, or he may very probably bring a Storm over his Head; he has sayd so often that he would go away and leave us that we begin to think by his odd Behaviour that he intends it.  To this intent (it is thought) he insults and abuses People thinking that a Return of the like Usage would be sufficient Excuse for him to go away.

When we first heard the News that the French and Indians were likely to be amongst us, Mr. DeBrahm left us and took lodging at an Indian House in Tomatly about two Miles from this Fort where he still continues; he also immediately sent off all his Things to Keowes, and it’s the Opinion of every one that he intended to march off himself in case any Thing had happened.  It is said that Mr. DeBrahm is visited in his warm Room at Tamotley by red painted faced Companions which Colour he does not dislike, but I am sorry that any Thing of this Nature should prevent his constant Attendance at the Fort. [20]

 

DeBrahm –

 

The first and principle Exercise of the Indians is bathing and swimming, in which they are very dexterous.  Every Morning, immediately after rising, both in Summer and in Winter, coming out of their hot Houses, they take their Babes under their Arms, and lead their Children to the Rivers, in which they enter be it ever so cold.  The Mothers learn their Babes swimming before they can walk, which greatly encreases their Strength, and of Course their Growth. 

The Author . . . never met with an Indian who was born a Cripple, but observed them to be all well made, tall and robust, neither very lean, nor inclining to Fatness. . . They all walk very straight, upright, and with rather stiff Knees, which they scarcely bend. . . . An Indian once kept up, running a-foot, for three hours, with the Author, who kept his Horse in a constant Gallop, from Keowe to Estetowe, and never left him.

The Indians never eat without Inclination, and then only very little, and that with much Regularity and Temperance; therefore they keep no regular time for Meal, but they love strong Liquors, especially Rum or Brandy, at all times, which they prefer to anything in the World, and this is the only Commodity, for which they exchange their Horses; but great Care must be taken that, after they have consumed the Liquor, they don’t steal and carry off the Horse; this is the only Theft they are known to be guilty of, which, besides the Crime of the Lie, Knavery and Drunkenness were not known to them, before the Europeans Arrival in America.

The Indians exercise Hospitality in time of  Peace with as much Generosity to their Guests, as they inflict Punishment in time of War, with Cruelty, upon their Enemies, whom, when they can bring as Prisoners to their Towns they make a great Rejoicing by larding their Skins with bits of Lightwood, to which they set Fire, dance round them, and encourage them also to sing and dance in the Middle by themselves; in case they faint under these Torments, the Indians endeavour to refresh them by throwing water over them, and (when recovered) set fire to another side: thus they continue until they die, which last upwards of 20 hours:  But in case they cannot conveniently drive their Prisoners before them, they drive a Tomahawk (Hatchet) anywhere in the Body, wherewith they leave him, after having taken off his Scalp, which they spread on a small Hoop, and carry it in Victory as a Token of their Exploit to their Town Houses, where all the Scalps are publickly exposed during several Weeks, until every body has examined and declared them not to have been taken unwarrantably from their Friends; but Bravely from their Enemies.

A certain Number of Scalps are required from the Hands of a young Indian before he can be honoured with the first military Title, which is a Slave-Catcher; and a certain Number more for the next higher Title, which is Raven.  The next higher Title to this is a Man-killer (as much as a Colonel); their highest Military Rank is that of a Warrior, (much as a General).  They receive at every Promotion, certain Marks on their Necks, Cheeks, and Breast printed in the Skin, with Scratchings of a Pin and Gun Powder or Coal Dust; before they have any Title given them, they are only called Gun-Men or Boys, which in the time of hunting and War attend their Chiefs as Servants, bringing them Water, Wood, Fire and Venison; a Gang or Troop take only one Woman to War with them.  She is to take care of the Camp, Fire, Provisions ect.  This Woman, after some Campaigns is raised to the Dignity of War Woman, to which all Prisoners must be delivered alive (without any Punishment) as her Slave, if she requires it, which is a Privilege no Man can enjoy, not even thjeir Emperor, Kings, or Warriors; there are but few Towns in which is a War Woman . . .  [21]

 

Orders of the Day by Capt. Raymd. Demere

English Camp, November the 25th, 1756

 

Whereas this is the first Day that meat of Kind has been wanting, it is the Commanding Officer's Order that wheat Flower shall be issued out to the Men and also a Proportion of beafs Sewit to each Mess.  Proper Measures are now taken to have Meat in a short Time, and in the same Quantity that shall be due to the Men shall be made up to them in like Specia.

As this Expedition is for the Good of the Province in general and for the Honour and Credit of us all that are come to see it executed, our Honours now lie at stake.  Therefore let there be no grumbling amongst you that his Majesty's Service may not suffer, and that the Works may go on as usual.  If People can't for a few Days work without Meat, I am ready to Kill all my Horses for them, and by that Experience I can assure you that Horses are very good Meat.  I shall not fail to partake with you herein, and it will not be the first Time I have eat Hors Beef.  But I hope there will not be Occasion to fall on these Extremities, as I expect to hear every moment from Mr. Chavelette.  [22]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

November 28^th

Mr. DeBrahm does not speak to me, nor has not for a long Time, but he has told several of my People and many others that he will eat his Christmas Dinner in Charlestown,  and of late he has told them that there was seven Forts to be built in Georgia, and that they should all go there that they did not belong to Carolina, but to Georgia. And that Lord Lowdan was to send Troops from Virginia to garrison this Fort.  This is News that is quite strange to me and I don’t know where Mr. Debrahm gets all those private Intelegence from, but believe it to be like all the rest of his Talk which is little else than a Sound of Words.  [23]

 

Intelligence from Judge’s Friend to Captain Rayd. Demere

Fort Loudoun, December the 10^th, 1756

He says the French Officers at the Albamers Fort expressed the greatest Joy and Satisfaction at seeing the Man Killer and his Gang there, and after useing them in the most civil and genteel Manner told them that he would be a Father to them and the whole Cherokee Nation, and that he would look on them as his Children.

He told them . . . the Carolina People had Conjourous amongst them, that could send up different Bundles of Sickness to their Nation which they scattered amongst their Towns from which proceeds the Decrease of their People. . . . He asked them if the English had not brought up a Number of Handcufs and Irons for their Feet, and if they had not many great Guns.  [24]

 

Council of War held this Day by Orders of Captain Demere

Fort Loudoun, December 16th, 1756

 

Captain Raymond Demere represented to the Officers the unfinished Condition of the Fort, and that Mr. Debrahm told him in a few Days he would discharge the Provinciles from their Work and set out for Charles Town, and as many of the Provincials are determined to go away as soon as they are so discharged from the Works which was owing to his having told the Officers in hearing of the Men that the Provincials were not subject to military Law and can not be punished for Desertion,  and he now dayly tells them that they may stay but shall have no Pay from that Time.

It being contrary to all military Regulations that a  Person unauthorised shall take upon him to discharge Troops where there is a Commanding Officer bearing his Majesty’s Commission as well as prejudicial to the Interest of the King and Contry to sow the Seeds of Mutiney and Desertion amongst Troops where there is the most urgint Occasion for them, and as Capt. John Postell in presence of severall Officers told Capt. Demere that after Mr. Debrahm should discharge him and his Company from the Works that he should look upon himself as no longer under the Command of Capt. Demere, but would set out for Charles Town wither he gave him Leave or not.  [25]

 

Captain Rayd. Demere and Other Officers to Mr. Debrahm -

Fort Loudoun, December the 23^rd, 1756

Sir, To my great Surprize late last Night received a Paper from you date the 20th Current enstelld final Directions for Accomplishment of the Fortifications Works with something inclosed which I do not understand.  I lost no Time in calling together the Officers and communicating your Directions to them.  All of them as well as myself think that you might as reasonably have stayed in Charles Town, and have sent final Directions with the People who came to build the Fort, as to send it now when Nothing appears but a heap of unformed Dirt. . . .

Can you call this a Fort, no Guns or Platforms no Barracks, no Guard, no necessary Houses or  Drains so requisite for the Health of the Garrison, no Houses for the Officers, but miserable Hovles built at their own Expences, although denyed by you a little Dirt to clay the Walls, no store Houses capable of containing any Quantity of Provisions, and in short Nothing as yet to be seen deserving the Name of a Fort. . . .  I and the rest of the Officers . . . acquaint you that the Moment you leave the Fort the Works shall cease untill such Time as the Governor send a proper Person to inspect the present State of them which we are determined to request of him.

 

Ensign Coytmore waited on him with the above Letter which he refused to read or heard read.  Afterwards Capt. Postell undertook to go to him and prevailed on him to read the Letter, which he likewise refused.  [26]

 

Council of War Held by Captain Rayd. Demere

Fort Loudoun, December the 26th, 1756

Capt. Demere representing to the Officers that Mr. Debrahm is clandestinely gone away and left this Fort unfinished.  That notwithstanding it was the unanimous Opinion of a late Council of War, that in case Mr. Debrahm should go the Works should cease till his Excellency should send a Person properly qualified to inspect the same, he thinks it highly necessary that as we may from our best Intelligence expect an Attack, no one knows how soon, that we should fortify ourselves in the best we can. . . .  [27]

 

    Demere to Lyttelton –

Fort Loudoun, January 2d, 1757

All my People are removed into the Fort having built new Hutts. . . .

I have got all the Guns mounted on the Stocks as well as I could, although I had no Charcoals to do a great many Necessaries they required, so that they must be taken down and better fixed as soon as I get Coals.  There is now a Pitt burning, we cannot do without some always in the Forge, for the Indians are constantly bring their guns &c. to be mended. . .

The Indians calls it the Fort to put Horses, Cows and Hogs in, but I differ in Opinion with them for it would not be sufficient.  The Indians says that Mr. DeBrahm run away for Fear of being killed, which is no more that I expected and have often hinted it to your Excellency.

It is certain that the whole Town of Tellico, Men, Women and Children, Emperor and all are gone to Highwassy Old Town, and are   waiting there till the French and their Indians comes.  They have carried there a vast Deal of Provisions, and have stolen several Horses belonging to White People, which they have drove with them.  Not a Man of the Town of Chatuga is gone with them.  I think the few Presents which I ordered them is very well bestowed . . .  [28]

 

Talk of Captain Rayd. Demere to Old Hop and the Upper Cherokee Headmen

Fort Loudoun, January 25th, 1757

I have heard that the French with a Number of their Indians are shortly to come to Highawassy Old Town &c.  I tell you that let them come where they will, or into any Town in this Nation I am determined to attack, kill, scalp and drive them off.  I shall not only attack the French but the Chactaws, Savannahs and all the Indians that shall act in Conjunction with them.  I am a Man and a Warrior and remember well what I say; I came here to fight for the Cherrockees and you shall see that I will do it. . . .

Nothing is more valuable amongst Brave men and Warriours than Trophies of Victory.  Nothing is more worthy of Acceptance than the Scalps of our Enemies; I want some and hope that some of you will bring me some French Scalps, or some Indian Scalps that are in Friendship with the French.  When I see you come to me with some of our Enemie's Scalps, I shall hold you fast by the Hand and look for something to give you.  I shall be in a great Hurry and shall soon find something, then I shall reckon the Scalps and give you to the Value of 30 Wt. of Leather for every Scalp and in confirmation of this Talk I give you this Belt of Wampum.  [29]

 

Demere to Lyttelton –

Fort Loudoun, March 26, 1757

Sir, The continual heavy Rains which we have had has prevented our going on with the Works very much and had I not ordered Drains to be made to carry off the Water out of the Fort, we should have been obliged to leave it.  By my last except one I had the Honour to acquaint your Excellency that the Palisadoes would last three or four Years, as they have been cut down at a proper Time before the Sap was up, they will stand six Years.  They are now all put up and we are about putting up the Fort gates, which are made very strong. . . . I have spared no pains in making it as defensible as I could, with all Kind of Conveniences in it.  [30]

 

DeBrahm –

The Cherokee or Apalachian Mountains, altho’ very rocky and gravelly, yet they are well stocked with Forests chieftly producing Bay Tree, Cypress, not deciduous, oak Tree, Cedar Tree, Ginsem . . .bot., Plumb Tree, Chestnut Tree, Hickory Tree, Vine (cluster grapes, fox grapes), Chinquopin Shrub, Locust Tree, Walnut.

Their Vallies are of the richest Soil equal to Manure itself, almost impossible in Apperance ever to wear out; the putrified matters from the Mountains are in rainy Seasons washed down into the Vallies and leave the Mountains bare of good Soil; the Land in the Vallies by this Means (besides being well watered with Rivulets) is become a real Matrix to receive.

. . . Should this Country once come into the Hands of the Europeans, they may with Propriety call it the American Canaan; for it will fully answer their Industry, and all Methods of European Culture, and do as well for European as American Produce (the Rice only excepted) for Provisions of all kinds, as also Indigo, Silk, Cotton, hemp, Flax, Oil, and Wine; be it for rasing Stocks of Horses, Cattle, Sheep Goats, and Hogs; be it for Metals, Minerals, Fossils, and Stones; or be it for Manufactories of all kinds.  This Country seems longing for the Hands of Industry to receive its Beginning ready to deliver them up. . . .  [31]